Obscene Arab Propaganda

The Al Mayadeen propaganda piece, crafted for use in public discourse (e.g., social media, op-eds, or political commentary). It targets the manipulative rhetoric, undermines the credibility of the source, and reframes the narrative in terms of Hamas exploitation, war ethics, and media distortion.

Exposing the Propaganda Behind the “Hospital Massacre” Narrative

The latest Al Mayadeen piece accusing Israel of bombing the Gaza European Hospital is not journalism—it is weaponized propaganda, a textbook example of how terrorist-aligned media manipulate emotion, falsify context, and obscure responsibility to inflame global opinion.

Let’s be clear: Israel does not target hospitals. Hamas does.

Israel targets Hamas terrorists who hide inside hospitals, use ambulance corridors to transport arms, and turn medical facilities into command centers. These are war crimes under the Geneva Conventions—committed not by Israel, but by Hamas, which has systematically militarized schools, mosques, UN facilities, and, yes, hospitals.

The IDF has repeatedly given evacuation warnings and coordinated humanitarian corridors. Hamas, by contrast, routinely blocks civilian escape, shoots those who try to flee, and uses the resulting casualties as PR fodder.

Al Mayadeen’s so-called “reporting” omits every critical question:

Why were Hamas fighters operating in or around a hospital?

Where is the evidence that Israel deliberately targeted civilians?

Why are rescue efforts hindered—because of IDF strikes, or because Hamas embeds rocket launchers in civilian zones and fires from active hospitals?

This is not objective coverage—it’s emotional blackmail dressed up in blood-soaked outrage.

Let’s talk about the numbers, too. The so-called “Gaza Health Ministry” is not an independent authority—it is a Hamas-run propaganda arm. Their numbers are unverifiable, inflated for effect, and include both combatants and civilians with zero distinction. The same “Health Ministry” that claims 52,000 dead also counted Hamas fighters as “children” and gunmen as “journalists.”

And while we’re at it, spare us the moral posturing. This is the same media outlet that refused to condemn the October 7 massacre, the rape and slaughter of civilians, the burning of families alive. Now they lecture Israel for defending its people?

Enough.

Israel is not committing genocide. It is defending its citizens against a genocidal cult that butchered 1,200 innocents and promises to do it again. Hamas launched this war. Hamas hides behind children. Hamas turned hospitals into bunkers. Every civilian death is a tragedy—but the blood is on their hands.

The real war crime here isn’t the strike—it’s the cynical use of hospitals as human shields. And the real obscenity is media outlets like Al Mayadeen laundering Hamas narratives while pretending to care about “human rights.”

More Democrat hyperbole slander.

Refuting the “Trump = Fascism” Narrative: A Response to Alarmist Propaganda.

The breathless claim that “Trump foretold fascism and now it’s here” is not just historically illiterate—it’s a dangerous distortion of language, an abuse of memory, and a disservice to democratic discourse. 1. On “Predictable Fascism” and Historical Analogy Abuse: To compare Donald Trump—whose presidency was relentlessly checked by Congress, courts, and the press—to historical fascist regimes like Hitler’s Third Reich or Mussolini’s Italy is a grotesque exaggeration.

2. On “Project 2025” and the Constitutional Order: Project 2025 is not a fascist manifesto. It is a policy blueprint, drafted publicly by conservative think tanks and legal scholars to restore executive accountability, reform the federal bureaucracy, and undo decades of entrenched administrative overreach. Advocating constitutional limits on unelected bureaucrats is not fascism—it’s Madisonian. If anything, unaccountable alphabet agencies (EPA, HHS, FBI) exercising de facto lawmaking powers without voter input are far closer to the technocratic autocracy this post pretends to oppose.

3. On “Following Orders” and Invoking Nazi Analogies: Bringing up “just following orders”—a reference to the Nuremberg Trials—is both obscene and historically disingenuous. ICE officers enforcing immigration law are not SS guards at Auschwitz. You may wish for open borders, but the legal code and sovereign enforcement are not war crimes.

4. On “Hearts Opening, Love Prevailing”: This saccharine appeal to “love prevailing” masks a profound intolerance. The post doesn’t invite debate. It demands conformity. If you dissent, you’re a fascist sympathizer. If you support border enforcement, you’re a war criminal. If you voted for Trump, you’re the enemy. This isn’t “mindful resistance.” It’s soft totalitarianism disguised in hashtags and prayer emojis.

5. Final Word: What Democracy Really Requires: Democracy is not preserved by calling your political opponents fascists. It’s preserved by reasoned debate, constitutional fidelity, and respect for electoral outcomes—even when you lose. The American Left has weaponized terms like fascism, authoritarianism, and white supremacy so recklessly that they are fast becoming meaningless. Much like Arab propaganda promotes “Genocide” in the current Oct 7th Abomination War.

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Church Revisionist History Treated as an uprooted weed of faith.

The elaborate hagiographical and liturgical account of Saint Anselm presents him as a noble intellectual, a spiritual reformer, and a bulwark of Church independence and orthodoxy. However, hagiography typically functions as religious propaganda, not an actual historical biography. It serves the institutional needs of the Church, canonizing not only individuals but ideologies, political stances, and theological innovations—while sanitizing contradictions and moral failures.

Anselm is lauded for his defense of Church independence against royal interference (e.g., the investiture controversy), but this “independence” also helped consolidate authoritarian clerical power, suppressing lay and national influence over religion. His insistence on clerical celibacy, for instance, wasn’t just a spiritual reform—it helped redirect property and loyalty away from family lines toward the Roman Church.

Celibacy laws were historically economic and political tools, not moral imperatives rooted in Torah. The Torah never mandated celibacy for religious leaders; the kohanim were expected to marry and raise families. Anselm’s elevation of celibacy represents a departure from Hebraic covenantal norms and a step toward Hellenistic dualism—exalting spirit over body and institutional control over familial loyalty.

Anselm’s most influential theological contribution, Cur Deus Homo (Why God Became Man), introduced the satisfaction theory of atonement—that human sin dishonored God, and only the death of a divine-human being could satisfy God’s justice. It lays the groundwork for supersessionist and antisemitic theologies, portraying the Torah system as insufficient or obsolete by replacing t’shuvah (repentance), korbanot (offerings), and covenantal accountability with a metaphysical debt-payment model.

Rather than upholding justice, Anselm’s model sacralized human sacrifice, violating both Torah and prophetic ethics. In Deuteronomy, God explicitly rejects human sacrifice (Deut. 12:31). Anselm reintroduces this abhorrent idea under a theological guise.

His role as counselor to Pope Gregory VII and William the Conqueror reflects a willingness to work within violent, coercive regimes. The Norman Conquest of England, which devastated the Anglo-Saxon populace and imposed a rigid feudal hierarchy occurred under his watch and blessing. His revisionist theology perverted Church theology with conquest and dominance, cloaked in terms like “eternal salvation.”

Never has the church ever addressed the war crimes of the medieval Church’s rule—its support for crusades, its crushing of heretics, its dehumanization of Jews, Muslims, and others labeled “infidels”, and its justification of African slavery. The very prayer that “his intercession may bring us salvation” conceals the violence of a theology that damns all non-Christians, erases Torah as the foundation of justice, and endorses empire-building as divine will.

The glorification of Catholic saints like Anselm often functions as historical whitewash, embedding spiritual prestige in those who advanced Rome’s theological, political, and cultural conquest. Their legacies should be re-examined.

The role of Catholic “saints” like Anselm—and the broader Church—in relation to African slavery is a damning example of how theological authority was weaponized to sanctify economic exploitation, racial hierarchy, and imperial conquest. While Anselm himself predates the Atlantic slave trade, the ideological groundwork laid by thinkers like him—particularly in the areas of substitutionary atonement, supersessionism, ecclesial supremacy, and the fusion of theology with empire—enabled and justified later systems of racialized slavery.

The Atlantic slave trade was not an accident of history—it was theologically sanctioned by both Catholic and Protestant authorities. The idea that the Church replaced Israel as God’s chosen people also implied that Torah law—including its protections for the dignity and freedom of persons—was no longer binding. This paved the way for dehumanizing laws that lacked any covenantal ethic.

Anselm’s satisfaction theory, salvation became detached from justice. Slavery could be justified as a way to “discipline” sinful nations or “save” heathens through baptism—even while denying them freedom and humanity. Papal bulls like Dum Diversas (1452): Pope Nicholas V granted the Portuguese crown the right to “invade, search out, capture, and subjugate” Saracens, pagans, and “infidels,” authorizing perpetual slavery of Africans.

The Catholic Church not only failed to oppose African slavery—it actively profited from it; the Jesuits owned slaves. Churches and monasteries in Brazil, Cuba, and the Americas used enslaved Africans as laborers. Baptism was used not to liberate slaves, but to enslave them more deeply under a Christianized form of bondage. After the expulsion of the Jews from Spain in 1492, the Church instituted the Inquisition to torture Jews forced to convert. Canon law adapted to accommodate slavery rather than challenge it. Church authorities taught that as long as a slave’s soul was “saved,” their body could remain in bondage.

Saints like Anselm, Augustine, and Aquinas are venerated for their theological brilliance—but this veneration shields their failures and the oppressive systems they supported or made possible. These criminal theologians treated non-Christians as ontologically inferior. Removed justice from the earthly, national realm and spiritualized it. Their sainthood thus whitewashes the Church’s role in racial slavery, presenting these figures as moral authorities rather than ideological precursors to oppression.

Modern Catholic and Christian institutions have issued apologies for slavery, but they rarely dismantle the theological foundations that enabled it. Canonization of these theological prostitutes compares to the attempts to declare Pope Pius XII a saint. To honor saints like Anselm while refusing to interrogate their legacies is to preserve a sanctified lie—a lie that allowed millions of Africans to be dehumanized in the name of Christian salvation. Until the Church renounces not only slavery but the theological frameworks that enabled it—Anselm’s among them—its saints remain symbols of unrepented moral complicity.

mosckerr

The Book of Acts, perhaps even more than the gospel revisionist history, serves as the foundation of the Xtian religion.

The story in Acts is a crafted literary and theological mythology, not a neutral historical account. Paul’s “stoning” (e.g., Acts 7–8) functions not as a punishment, but as a dramatic entry point into the Christian narrative, masking an infiltration tactic. Acts 9 presents a suspiciously dramatic and one-sided tale that whitewashes Paul’s violent history and transforms him into a divine vessel.

The Damascus road “conversion” is framed as supernatural, bypassing any actual theological debate or confrontation with Jewish teaching. Paul’s later declaration that circumcision is not required for Gentiles undermines the Sinai-based covenantal obligations, yet is framed in Acts as legitimate. The literary emphasis on Ananias as a humble, obedient “helper” helps sanctify Paul’s entry into the Jesus movement—essentially giving Paul a moral cover. This entire account retroactively legitimizes Paul’s radical teachings—including his abrogation of Torah—for a non-Jewish audience, via divine commissioning.

The voice from heaven motif is a common trope used in Greco-Roman literature to validate divine missions—from Socrates’ daimonion to Aeneas’ vision of duty. The Acts narrative serves to overwrite or neutralize early Jewish-Christian opposition to Paul’s teachings (especially from James and the Jerusalem assembly).

Hyam Maccoby, Daniel Boyarin, Jacob Neusner have argued that Paul’s theology represented a radical rupture from the covenant at Sinai—one that the Book of Acts tries to smooth over by retrospective myth-making.

Acts is not journalism. It’s theological apologetics. Written decades after the events it describes. It serves as a conciliatory, imperial theology designed to promote Christianity as a peaceful, Roman-friendly movement. Furthermore, its also promotes a rehabilitation of Paul and an attempt to reconcile his Gentile mission with the Jewish roots of the Jesus sect. And lastly it qualifies as a linguistic attempt to shift Jewish suspicion of Paul by giving him divine credentials.

Paul’s doctrine that circumcision is no longer required for Gentiles highlights as the crux of the rupture of Pauline propaganda to distance this new religion embraced by Goyim away from the Jewish people as a whole. It violates Genesis 17, where circumcision is called an “eternal covenant;” undermines the Sinai brit as a national and physical obligation; opens the door to a spiritualized, universal religion unbound by halakhah or lineage; and precisely fits neatly into a Roman-Greek framework of universal citizenship—precisely what Paul’s theology promoted. The Acts narrative is propaganda—crafted to justify Paul’s theological revolution and erase legitimate Jewish opposition and utter rejection of his teachings; no different from the Jewish rejection of Muhammad and Martin Luther.

Most scholars place the composition of Acts decades after Paul’s death, and its literary unity with the Gospel of Luke suggests its function is apologetic—not journalistic. Paul’s earlier violence is recast as a dramatic foil for his spiritual metamorphosis. His persecution is essential in constructing his “anti-hero to apostle” arc—a motif familiar in Hellenistic hero narratives.

The introduction of Ananias as a righteous, obedient “Jewish Christian” figure who validates Paul’s transformation, nothing but a narrative device which gives Paul moral cover through communal acceptance; frames early Jewish followers of Jesus as submissive to divine will when it comes to embracing Paul’s revolution; echoes Elisha anointing Jehu or Samuel anointing David—a legitimizing act done by a humble prophet. This neutralizes any theological debate. The absence of a serious Torah-based disputation between Paul and Ananias is telling.

Halakhic tradition has never recognized a non-Torah, faith-only path for covenantal participation. The new testament totally ignores the chosen Cohen people T’NaCH theme. It replaces the Tribal Sinai God with a universal religion detached from land, language, law, and lineage, just as likewise did Muhammad’s Koran. Roman universalism – a faith system easily exportable to non-Jewish audiences, compatible with imperial cosmopolitanism; both Xtianity and Islam serve as the theological foundations for vast imperial empires.

Just as Muhammad claimed a new revelation, rejected Jewish tradition, and yet attempted to supersede it by claiming continuity; so too did Luther reject Catholic counterfeit “halachic” dogmatism ritual practices, casting them as bondage while claiming sola fide (“faith alone”). Paul, too, broke with halakhic Judaism while claiming to fulfill it through his “revelation of Jesus Christ” (Gal. 1:12).

In all these precedent cases, Jewish rejection – Goyim reframe, not as a legitimate oath alliance defense, but as stiff necked Jews and their spiritual blindness—a rhetorical move meant to delegitimize Torah fidelity. The Acts character of Paul represents a Hellenistic rupture, not a Jewish continuity. Acts qualifies as revisionist history which would make a Holocaust denier proud.

mosckerr

More of the same Russia-gate bull shit.

This morality tale: the message is that the presidency—and the American political system—has become dangerously permissive toward corruption. By anchoring current behavior to both the text of the Constitution and historical precedent, the rhetoric tries to restore a sense of norms, shame, and democratic accountability… yet presents zero physical evidence to support its slander.

A common tactic—in modern political rhetoric, including this Democratic narrative: it relies heavily on inference, association, and moral framing, while offering little or no direct evidence that would hold up in a courtroom or even a rigorous journalistic investigation. This slander rhetoric propaganda: cites the Emoluments Clause and vaguely references a supposed $400 million gift from Qatar to Trump. It mentions Pam Bondi’s ties to Qatar, implying a quid pro quo. It brings up Kushner’s financial dealings with Qatar. And it draws comparisons to historical resignations for relatively minor infractions. But these unproven insinuations fail to prove the false conclusion “cost of bribery”.

This utter tribe political slander introduces zero documentary evidence. Just more of the same Russia-gate bull shit. No formal investigation or findings from ethics committees or watchdogs. No sworn testimony or whistleblower sources. No hard proof that President Trump actually accepted a jet or that the alleged offer even happened beyond rumor or hearsay!

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The embittered condemnations across Universities in both America and Europe.

“The Curious Case of the Vanishing Palestine”

A satire in four bewildered stanzas

I. Jordan’s Invisible Hand

From ’48 to ’67—my, what a span!

Jordan held the West Bank like a well-oiled plan.

But did they build a state? Oh no, good sirs—

They built some roads… and prisons… and barbed-wire spurs.

A Palestinian flag? Not one to be seen.

“Annex it,” they said, “and keep it clean.”

No cries for statehood, no impassioned plea—

Just East Jerusalem, claimed by decree.

II. Egypt’s Gazan Stroll

Down in Gaza, Egypt took a stroll,

Said, “We’ll babysit this strip, not make it whole.”

Nasser the Bold, with dreams so wide—

But none included a Palestinian pride.

No passports given, no nation declared,

No “Free Gaza!” slogans—no one cared.

‘Til ‘67 came with an Israeli boom,

And suddenly Gaza wore a keffiyeh costume.

III. The Magical Birth of 1964

Then poof! In ‘64, a miracle feat:

A people were born without land or seat!

Yasser appeared with a kaffiyeh twist,

Waving a flag from a conjurer’s wrist.

“The Nakba!” he cried, “A name we must bear!”

Though for 16 years, no one seemed to care.

From Amman to Cairo, not one Arab king

Declared a state or did a thing.

IV. Ode to Resolution 181

Oh, Resolution 181—what a fateful script,

Two states offered up, but the Arabs flipped.

“Partition? Ha! Throw it in the bin!”

Then cried “Injustice!” when they failed to win.

They tried to erase what the Jews reclaimed—

But history, alas, remembers names.

Israel rose, and Mandate dust flew,

Off to the dung heap—where failed empires stew.

Part I: Shakespearean Monologue: “The Tragedie of the Phantom State”

Spoken Ghost of Mandate Past, in a shadowed chamber ‘neath the ruins of the League of Nations.

GHOST:

Hark! What specter walks the sands of time,

In keffiyeh cloaked, yet born of mime?

Is’t not the shade of “Palestine,” so named

When twelve-score moons had passed and none had claimed

The honor of her womb? Nay, none did strive

To breathe her breath or make her body live.

When Jordan seized fair Judah’s hills with might,

And Egypt’s hand clutched Gaza into night,

Did they proclaim, “A nation here shall rise”?

Or did they smother her with sovereign lies?

No crown was forged, no coin, nor law, nor creed—

Just Arab brothers fattened on her need.

“We flee oppression!” cried the host in flight,

Then raped the land with neither claim nor right.

Yet lo! In ’64—a flash, a flame—

Arafat rose and did invent a name!

With logos drawn and rifles full of cheer,

He dubbed the stateless crowd “Palestineer.”

What jest is this? What monstrous irony?

A people born from pure negation’s plea—

Not for their own, but simply to oppose

The Hebrew root from which the desert rose.

So let the world bewail this “Nakba” farce,

While sipping lattes in their woke Versailles.

But I, poor Ghost, shall haunt these arid stones,

Where no state stood—just dust, and British bones.

Part II: Mock-UN Speech – Political Satire Skit – Presented by the fictional ambassador of “Absurdistan,” addressing the UN General Assembly with exaggerated theatrical flair.

AMBASSADOR ABDUL AL-IRONIYYA:

Esteemed delegates, honored virtue-signalers,

climate activists, and part-time TikTok strategists,

I come before this august body to praise a miracle:

the immaculate conception of the State of Palestine… in 1964,

despite Jordan and Egypt raising her for 16 years without custody paperwork!

Yes, comrades—history is fluid! Facts are colonial!

In 1948, brave Arab armies stormed the newborn Israel

not to destroy it, no no,

but to deliver a surprise housewarming gift of pan-Arab militarism!

Jordan, a humble guest, annexed Samaria unto its West Bank

(with only light looting of Jewish grave stones, mild martial law,

and a total erasure of the word “Palestine” from its own maps).

Egypt, meanwhile, cuddled Gaza like an estranged cousin—

without giving citizenship, passports, or basic services.

Because that, dear friends, is Arab love.

And lo! In 1964, from the desert of neglect and geopolitical gaslighting,

rose a man with sunglasses a moustache and a ready pistol upon his hip:

Yasser Arafat! The first leader to declare a state for a people

he had to invent mid-speech.

I say to you now—had Israel not existed,

we would never have discovered these Palestinians at all!

And so, in conclusion,

I submit a motion to the floor:

That we retroactively condemn Israel for being born

too early, too Jewish, and too successful.

That we replace UN Resolution 181 with a new one:

“UN Resolution 404 – Palestinian State Not Found, but Still Your Fault.”

Thank you, and now please rise

for the solemn, looping chant:

“From the River to the Sea, Ambiguity Will Set Us Free.”

mosckerr

Thank You Mr President for terminating DemoCRAP insanity

“The Asylum of Amnesia”

They came, they said, with broken wings,

From lands of lash and puppet kings—

Their stories soaked in sorrow’s ink,

To freedom’s breast, they’d crawl and cling.

Yet one, a man with haunted eyes,

Bore not just scars, but truthless lies.

A girl—a child of stars and streets—

Was robbed beneath his fleeing feet.

And when the sirens came for him,

The liberals cried, their reason dim:

“But wait! He’s hurt! He’s not to blame!

His hands were trained in war and shame!”

They pled as though the jailhouse bars

Were no more just than burning cars

In Tulsa’s night—a race betrayed—

They blurred the line, they all but prayed.

“To cage him now is cruel and blind!”

As though the rape were just a kind

Of cultural clash, a lost translation—

A price for open-border salvation.

The victim’s voice? A passing breeze.

Not loud enough to bend their knees.

The “believe all women” flag was furled—

Folded fast in a “woke” new world.

O hypocrites, with tongues of flame,

Who chant for justice, then defame

Its name, when it demands too much—

Like consequences, law, and such.

Your virtue, bought at others’ cost,

Is not compassion—it’s justice lost.

And in the name of saving face,

You sanctify the cruel and base.

mosckerr

Xtianity Sucks.

The Gospel According to Gentile Supremacy: Chapter 17, verses 6–19 (Satirical Parody)

6. “I have revealed Your name unto mine—those chosen not from the world, but from within it, so that they might inherit the world and forget who gave it to them.

7. They now know—with great certainty and catechism—that whatever You gave me was not from Sinai, but from a new and improved spiritual firmware update.

8. For I gave them words—not mitzvot, not judgments, not statutes—but smooth words dipped in honey and universal love, and they received them eagerly, having already forgotten the Torah of their mothers and the covenant of their fathers.

9. I pray for them. Not for the Jews do I pray—God forbid—but for those who believed in me instead of them, for they are mine, mine, mine.

10. All I have is Yours, and all You have is mine, and together we have outsourced holiness to those who crucify the Law with love songs and abolish the Prophets with metaphors.

11. I am no longer in the world, but they are; so keep them sanctified in their detachment—from commandments, from Israel, from earthly responsibility. Let them float high above in sanctimonious clouds of theological perfume.

12. While I was with them, I protected them—from history, from complexity, from any sense of continuity with those cursed as Cain and condemned to wander with tzitzit flapping in the wind of exile.

13. Now I come to You, not with psalms or incense, but with platitudes and parables—so that they may have my joy, even while silencing the mourning of Zion.

14. I gave them Your word—but not that word. Not the one engraved in stone and rooted in Jerusalem. No, I gave them a higher word: floating, Hellenized, unburdened by blood, land, or lineage.

15. I do not ask that You take them out of the world—but that You keep them safe from Jews with long memories and longer questions.

16. They are not of the world—certainly not the Jewish one. They do not belong to a people or covenant or any of that tribal baggage. Their kingdom is not of this world, unless it’s Rome, in which case we’ll take the keys.

17. Sanctify them in your Truth—by which I mean abstraction, by which I mean erasure, by which I mean the replacement of Israel with a metaphor named ‘Church.’

18. As You sent me into the world to be rejected by my own, so I send them into the world to proclaim their new chosenness—this time, without circumcision, without Passover, without ever once mentioning the word brit.

19. For them I sanctify myself—not with korban or tevilah or Torah—but with theological self-deification, that they too may be declared pure—not through obedience, but through belief in me.

Commentary (Not Satire):

This parody aims to shine light on how John 17, when interpreted through the lens of replacement theology and super-sessionist Christian tradition, invalidated by the 2nd Vatican Council, has undergirded centuries of Jew hatred—from patristic polemics to pogroms to the Holocaust. The rhetorical split between Jesus’ “disciples” and the Jewish people (especially in verses 9 and 14) has been read as divine endorsement of separation, exclusion, and demonization of the Jewish nation.

What began as a sectarian rift grew into a cosmic battle narrative, with Jews cast not only as villains of history but as ontological threats to truth itself. This forged the theological foundation for the “Christ-killer” slander and the perverse idea that the Jewish people bear an eternal mark—like Cain’s—not as survivors of covenant, but as cursed wanderers.

Such interpretations must be named, mocked, and dismantled—not to belittle belief or spirituality, but to excise the toxic theology that still lurks behind too many pulpits, pews, and prayers.

mosckerr

Mommy Jesus and Sweet Apple Pie

Mom Jesus and Apple Pie

(A Satire in the Blood-Stained Key of History)

I. Mom Jesus

Oh Mom Jesus in gingham grace,

With pie crust nails and a vacant face,

Who breastfeeds bombs to Babylon’s sons

And weeps when her Amazon order runs—

You cradle your cross in a doily white,

Then smother Gaza in holy light.

O shepherd sweet, with suburban sighs,

While tanks sing psalms and children die—

Did you learn that look from Hallmark cards

Or from Torquemada’s holy guards?

From Salem’s fire to slave ship decks,

You’ve mothered the world into damnable wrecks.

II. Apple Pie

And apple pie, you crusty saint,

Baked in the ovens of moral restraint.

Cinnamon tears for war’s disguise,

Stuffed with the bones of Palestinian cries.

You steam with pride on Sunday plates,

While bulldozers level ancestral gates.

You taste like amber waves and lies,

And every bite chants “God’s on our side.”

You’re served at altars, schools, and fairs—

A pastry shaped by Manifest Prayers.

Your filling hides the native graves

And scents the air of settler enclaves.

III. A Mockery of Memory

“Remember, remember,” the blood libels say,

As pogrom smoke curls through Mother’s Day.

While Eucharist children play pretend,

The saints of Inquisition never end.

From York to Mainz to crown of Rome,

The Ghetto’s gulag was always home.

So laugh, sweet clergy, sip your grace—

Your mother’s love? A porcelain face.

A sanitized myth for the Sunday pew,

While smirking history bleeds right through.

Shepherd Sunday, a branded balm

To rub on tanks and call it calm.

IV. Julia Ward Howl

O Julia Ward of “righteous” hymn,

Did your Republic’s battle brim

With mothered peace or iron song

To sanctify what’s always wrong?

A million mothers marched in vain

While Jarvis died in floral chains.

Your apostrophe—that sacred thorn—

Pierced the plural hearts once sworn

To end all wars with tender cries—

Now muffled by candy and TV lies.

No peace, just pay gaps and dainty plates—

While bombs fall fast at Gaza’s gates.

V. The Closing Curse

So praise be to Mom Jesus and pie,

Who teaches kids how others die—

Whose milk is drones, whose womb is steel,

Whose cradle rocks the war machine’s wheel.

For every dish she ever washed,

A prayer of napalm was softly sloshed.

And every cross she ever bore,

Was nailed with laws from Rome’s old war.

No Shepherd Sunday can now conceal

The blood beneath your Eucharist meal.

No pastel tale can ever cleanse

The sins dressed up as dividends.

So lift your forks, and eat your pride—

The bakery’s built on genocide.

Mom Jesus smiles with tearless eye—

And cuts another slice of lie.

mosckerr

Jews, we remember and do not forget.

“The Road from Auschwitz to Rome”

(a savage epistle for the Vatican’s Underground Railroad)

They came in rags, the poor lost sheep,

The SS saints who could hardly sleep,

Their jackboots now were softened shoes—

Such weary lambs with Nazi blues.

Achtung! Cried Peter at Heaven’s gate,

Let mercy rise and justice wait!

For these are not the beasts you seek,

But slaves of sin, once proud, now meek.

The Shoah burned with holy fire,

Six million offerings on the pyre,

But fret not—Christ absorbs the cost,

Their ashes paid what Judas lost.

From ovens black and death camps grey,

A crimson cross now paves their way.

Forgive them, Lord, the Pope intones,

Their swastikas were just old bones.

One boards a ship to Buenos Aires,

Another finds Sicilian lairs.

Clerical collars bless the flight—

The blood of Jews makes garments white.

Justice? That Jewy, brittle thing?

Too rigid for the Nazarene.

He’d rather die than wield the rod—

For every Herod becomes a god.

You ask why Jesus had to die?

So Eichmann might not really fry.

The Lamb of God takes on the sin—

Of every camp, and those within.

The priests they signed the transit forms,

With incense thick and holy norms.

The Reich baptized, reborn, remade—

The church absolved what gas had flayed.

Oh sacred Reich of broken men,

Your final solution found its end—

Not in defeat, but Eucharist,

Where murderers are gently kissed.

The Torah shattered on the floor,

While Rome just built a secret door.

From Birkenau to sanctified halls—

Grace drips red on marbled walls.

So tell me preacher, sing your song:

Who gets to live, who’s cast as wrong?

The Jew was burned. The Nazi prayed.

And Christ declared the debt is paid.

mosckerr