A bit concerning Arab history

This essay argues that the Arab prophetic identity rooted in the Koran covenant was undermined by imperial expansion, especially during the Abbasid Caliphate, which assimilated foreign legal, philosophical, and cultural traditions at the cost of prophetic justice.

The Rashidun Caliphate represents the apex of Arab prophetic sovereignty, where territorial expansion was inseparable from fidelity to Koranic revelation and Meccan-Medinan prophetic law. The conquest of Iraq by Arab forces, which included both Sunni and Shiite Arabs, occurred during the early Islamic expansion following the death of the Prophet Muhammad in 632 CE. The Rashidun Caliphate (632-661 CE) rose after Muhammad’s death. The Rashidun Caliphate, led by the first four caliphs (Abu Bakr, Umar, Uthman, and Ali), initiated a series of military campaigns to expand the Islamic state beyond the Arabian Peninsula.

The conquest of Iraq began during the caliphate of Umar ibn al-Khattab (634-644 CE). The Battle of the Bridge (634 CE) marked the initial confrontation between Saudi Arabs and the Sassanian Empire of Persia. The Battle of Qadisiyyah (636 CE) Arabs achieved a decisive victory against the Sassanian Army. This victory opened the way for early Arab armies, their conquest of the Sassanian Capital, Ctesiphon, and much of Iraq, which fell a year thereafter.

After the assassination of Ali ibn Abi Talib in 661 CE, the Umayyad Caliphate arose to power. The Umayyads continued to consolidate control over Iraq and other regions, promoting a pseudo-Arab identity and culture. While the Umayyads maintained Arab supremacy, their departure from Meccan-Medinan prophetic legitimacy and their adoption of dynastic kingship marked the beginning of Arab disempowerment through imperial logic.

Iraq’s identity as an Arab country with a significant Shiite Arab population has historic cultural, and religious Arab roots. The legacy of the early Arab period, the radically degenerate ideologies that separated the Umayyad and Abbasid regimes; coupled with the ongoing political dynamics, all contributed to the prominence of Shiite Arabs in Iraq. This complex interplay of history and identity continues to shape the social and political landscape of the country today.

Iraq, particularly the region of Mesopotamia, a historically strong center of Arabic civilization. It served as home to early Arabic developments and significant events, including the rise of Arabic Umayyad, contrasted by the assimilated Islamic Abbasid Caliphate(s). A substantial portion of Iraq’s population identifies as Shiite Arab. This demographic, primarily concentrated in southern Iraq, including cities like Najaf and Karbala, which remain important religious centers for Shiite Islam unto the present day.

The presence of Shiite Arabs in Iraq, traced back to the early Arabic Koran covenant, conjoined with the historical significance of Ali and his descendants. Key events, such as the martyrdom of Imam Hussein (the grandson of Muhammad and son of Ali) at the Battle of Karbala in 680 CE, have deeply influenced Shiite identity and annually commemorated during Ashura. This Battle, it represents a pivotal moment in the early Arabic Koran covenant based history together with its profound implications for the development of Shiite Arab identity.

This disaster, central to Shiite beliefs, has solidified the cultural and religious identity of Shiite Arabs. The battle occurred against the backdrop of a political and religious struggle over the rightful leadership of the Arab community following the death of the Prophet Muhammad. After the assassination of Ali ibn Abi Talib, the fourth caliph and the Prophet’s cousin and son-in-law, the Umayyad Caliphate seized power under Yazid ibn Muawiya.  Imam Hussein, the grandson of Muhammad and son of Ali, refused to pledge allegiance to Yazid, whom he viewed as an illegitimate ruler both corrupt and unjust. Hussein believed that Yazid’s rule, simply contrary to the principles of the Koran covenant. Hence Hussein violently opposed Yazid’s illegal seizure of power; he sought to uphold the true teachings of the Prophet’s Koran covenant.

Imam Hussein received messages from the people of Kufa, a city in present-day Iraq, urging him to come and lead them against Yazid’s rule. Believing he had the support of the people, Hussein set out for Kufa with his family and a small group of followers. As Hussein and his caravan approached Kufa, they were intercepted by Yazid’s forces, led by Umar ibn Sa’ad. Hussein and his followers were encircled at Karbala, where they were denied access to water and faced overwhelming odds.

The battle which ensued took place on the 10th of Muharram, known as Ashura. Despite being vastly outnumbered, Hussein and his companions, according to tradition, fought valiantly. The battle, marked by intense fighting, and many of Hussein’s family members and supporters – brutally killed. Imam Hussein himself martyred in that tragic battle, along with most of his male companions. His martyrdom, symbolizes the Shiite struggle against tyranny-injustice, and utterly rejects the Umayyad betrayal of the Koran covenant.

The Battle of Karbala its profound disastrous consequences on the development of Shiite-Sunni Arab split identity. Hussein’s martyrdom, commemorated annually every Ashura, a day of mourning and reflection for Shiite Muslims. The event serves as a powerful symbol of resistance against oppression and injustice represented through the Umayyad dictatorship. The battle permanently divided Sunni and Shiite Arabs. Shiites mourn Hussein as a martyr and their symbol of Koran covenant righteousness. The events at Karbala have inspired countless works of literature, art, and religious observance within the Shiite Arab communities. The Battle of Karbala represents the struggle for justice, the importance of moral integrity, and the consequences of political power struggles within the early Arabic Koran covenant communities.

The distinction between the pseudo Koran covenant Umayyad and utterly assimilated Abbasid regimes, the differences between Sunni and Shiite Muslims all deeply interconnected to the Koran covenant. The split between Sunni and Shiite Arabism originated over the rightful successor to the Prophet Muhammad after his death in 632 CE. The Prophet Muhammad commanded the Koran covenant to Arab believers of Allah. The Sunnis branched away from the Koran covenant, they believed that the community should select the leader (Caliph), while Shiites believed that leadership should remain inherited within the Prophet’s family, specifically through his cousin and son-in-law, Ali ibn Abi Talib. The Sunnis belief that the community should select the leader (Caliph) defines the pseudo-Umayyad Caliphate. The latter transferred its Capital away from Mecca or Median to Damascus, despite it being part of the eastern Roman empire.

The pseudo-Umayyad Caliphate dictatorship, established after the assassination of Ali ibn Abi Talib, the fourth caliph and the last of the “Rightly Guided” caliphs. The Umayyads, a powerful clan within the Quraysh tribe, a prominent Arab tribe that played a significant role in the history of the Arabian Peninsula, particularly in Mecca. Muawiya I seized the caliphate, and became the first pseudo-Umayyad caliph. The Umayyads promoted the idea that the leader of the Arab nation (Ummah) chosen based on consensus or election. Herein defines a key Sunni principle of governance. This idea replaced the priority of “governance”, and devalued the prime importance of the Koran covenant – to rule the nation with justice.

Their dictatorship likewise marked a shift towards hereditary succession, a departure from the earlier caliphate model. This foundation set the stage for Arabs to denounce the Umayyad Caliphate as unjust. Under the Umayyads, leadership became hereditary, primarily passing through the family of the ruling caliph, which established a dynastic rule. This shift led to a more centralized and bureaucratic form of governance, as the Umayyads sought to consolidate power and maintain control over their vast empire.

Many Arabs began to view the Umayyad Caliphate as unjust, particularly due to perceived corruption, favoritism, and the concentration of power within the Umayyad family. The Shiite branch of the Koran covenant prioritizes the importance of leadership being derived from the Prophet Muhammad’s family, specifically through Ali, the Prophet’s cousin and son-in-law. They advocate for a direct line of succession, the divine right of kings. This opinion openly clashed with the pseudo-Umayyad usurpation of power. For Shiites, the legitimacy of a caliph\leader – rooted in their connection to the Prophet’s lineage, which they believe the pseudo-Umayyads lacked. This belief, it defines a fundamental aspect of Shiite identity and has tremendously influenced their historical and political narratives.

Moving the Capital of the Arab Caliphate to Damascus, then part of the Byzantine Empire, in 661, further estranged and undermined Arab support. Establishing the capital in Damascus allowed the Umayyads to exert greater control over the vast territories they governed, which extended from Spain in the west to India in the east. The move to Damascus also symbolized a shift towards a more cosmopolitan and administrative approach to governance, integrating various cultures and traditions within the empire. It exposed the true colors of the pseudo-Umayyad dictatorship, in reality no different than the Abbasid assimilated Muslim revolution.

Arab armies brought with them not only Koran monotheism theology, but also the Arabic language and cultural practices. Over time, the adoption of Arabic became a significant marker of identity. In Egypt and Syria, for example, the local populations gradually adopted Arabic as their primary language, this greatly facilitated deeper cultural integration into the Koran covenant. The process of Arabization essentially involved assimilation of alien foreign cultures and customs, traditions, and languages homogenized into the Arab cultural framework. This embracement of an ערב רב/mixed multitude cultural heterogeneous societies into the Koran covenant identity, where slowly the local populations began to identify more closely with Arab culture, something akin to the Samaritans to Judean society.

The Umayyad Caliphate (661-750 CE), decision to establish Damascus as their Capital, and built the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem, this planted the seeds of assimilation and rebellion to honor the Koran covenant. This pseudo-Caliphate introduced the marginalization of Shiite communities, leading to resentment and hatred among Arab Koran covenant nationals. Umayyad rule actively promoted strong incentives for the local populations to adopt Arab Sunni identity, as a means to gain access to political power and social mobility. The Umayyads conquered Egypt in the 7th century. The presence of Arab tribes in these regions prior to their conquests created a foundation for cultural integration into the Koran covenant national identity.

The transformation of alien conquered nations in Egypt and Syria unto Arabs, rather than lower class Muslim – non Arabs, primarily attributed to a combination of cultural integration, political incentives, and historical context. The policies of the pseudo-Umayyad Caliphate, its prioritization that conquered nations adopt the Arabic language, combined with the historical ties to Arab identity, all these factors played significant roles in the homogeneous conversion process, leading to a distinct Arab identity, closely intertwined with the Arab covenant identity. In contrast, the experiences of Persians and Turks involved a more complex interplay of heterogeneous local identities resulting in a different religious faith outcome. Gone, the Arabic Koran covenant faith which defined the nation lead by Muhammad prophetic vision.

While the administrative structures established by the pseudo-Umayyads often required local leaders to align themselves with Arab identity to maintain their positions and influence within the new Islamic state. Confronted by growing crisis of dissatisfaction among various groups due to perceived injustices, favoritism, and the concentration of power among the Umayyad Arab feudal aristocracy. Many non-Arab Muslims (mawali) felt marginalized and discriminated against. The pseudo-Umayyads superficial lip service favored Arab over peasant-Muslims in political and economic matters. Much as did the Turkish land laws, in their turn, rejected Arab ownership of Turkish lands.

While Islam proclaimed itself as a unifying religion, the process of conversion did not necessarily lead to a complete cultural transformation. In regions like Persia or the Turks – Islam – often adopted alongside the retention of local languages and cultural practices, leading to a distinct Muslim identity that did not equate to the Arab Koran covenant national identity. In Persia and among Turkic peoples, the conversion to Islam often occurred through different means, such as trade, Sufism, and the influence of local leaders, which allowed for the preservation of local identities alongside Islamic faith. Much like the Catholic church converted radically divergent European countries to embrace belief in their form of Monotheism. Religious beliefs do not exchange, supplant, or reform national identities of different peoples.

The Umayyad regime condemned for its unjust favoritism of Arab national identity aroused the indignation of other ethnicities within the Islamic empire. This led to resentment among non-Arab Muslim peasant populations, including Persians, Berbers, and others, who sought greater representation and rights within the feudal Koran covenant society. Many supporters of the Abbasids sought reforms in governance, administration, and social justice. They aimed to create a more equitable and just Mawali-non Arab society, addressing the grievances that had accumulated under the pseudo-Umayyad dictatorship.

Consequently, the biased injustice of the Umayyad regime set the stage for the Abbasid revolt. The most significant of these was the Abbasid Revolution, which culminated in the Battle of the Zab in 750 CE, where the Umayyad forces suffered decisive defeat. The Abbasids rhetoric propaganda framed their revolt as a “religious movement”, emphasizing their lineage from the Prophet Muhammad. They sought to present themselves as the rightful leaders of the Mawali-non Arab Muslim community. They argued that the Umayyads had betrayed the “true” Islamic principles.

The Umayyad Caliphate, centered in Damascus, while characterized by a strong Arab identity and governance which favored Arabs over Muslims. The Abbasids, by stark contrast, sought to create a more inclusive empire that represented the diverse populations within the Islamic world, including non-Arab Muslims, viewed as aristocratic equals.

The Abbasid revolution marked a significant shift in the character of the Koran covenant empire. The vision of the prophet Muhammad switched from an Arab-centric rule under the Umayyads to a more inclusive and diverse governance that included non-Arab Muslims, now views as aristocratic inheritors of the Koran covenant which preaches strict monotheism and Muhammad as the final prophet as the central tenants of Islamic belief.

The Abbasid Caliphate represented a significant shift from the Arab-dominated empire to a more inclusive and diverse Islamic multi-state, which allowed for the participation and influence of non-Arab Muslims in both governance and culture. Herein explains why the Abbasid Caliphate moved their Capital to Baghdad. This transformation played a crucial role in shaping the identity of the Islamic world, which by definition included the collapse of the Arab Koran covenant – during the Abbasid period.

The Abbasids built a broad coalition of support among various discontented groups, including non-Arab Muslims, Shiites, and other factions opposed to the pseudo-Umayyad rule. This coalition utterly crucial in mobilizing support for their cause. This new Caliphate significantly shaped non Arab Islamic history through the revival and integration of ancient Greek philosophical thought into Islamic scholarship. The Abbasids, while their rhetoric claimed their descent from the Prophet Muhammad’s uncle Abbas, they positioned themselves as champions of the far larger non Arab Islamic community. The Koran covenant Arab identity, Islam – like a snake – swallowed its prey completely whole.

The Abbasid Caliphate replaced the judicially unjust Umayyad Caliphate in 750 CE after a successful revolution. The Abbasids validation of non Arab Muslims set the stage for publication and research in the newly discovered ancient Greek writings, particularly during the 8th through 10th centuries, known for the Islamic Golden Age. Scholars in the Abbasid Caliphate translated and preserved many works of ancient Greek philosophers, such as Aristotle, Plato, and Galen. This intellectual revival played a crucial role in the development of philosophy, science, and medicine in the Islamic world and later influenced the European Renaissance.

The Abbasid Caliphate expanded the Muslim empire through a combination of military conquests, political alliances, and cultural integration. They successfully conquered Persia (modern-day Iran) after the fall of the pseudo-Umayyad Caliphate. The Persian territories became integrated, but not homogenized into the Abbasid Caliphate. Persian culture and administrative practices significantly influenced the Abbasid governance and culture. The Abbasids continued military engagements with the Byzantine Empire, similar to their predecessors. These conflicts, part of the ongoing struggle for control over territories in the eastern Mediterranean. The theology of Islam changed the Koran covenant of Arab nationalism unto the belief that Allah lives as the Universal God of all Humanity. Rather than the God which Muhammad’s Arab tribes embraced as their Deity.

The Abbasids focused on trade, culture, and scholarship, which helped to unify the diverse regions of their huge expansive empire. They established Baghdad as their cultural and intellectual center, attracting scholars, scientists, and philosophers from various backgrounds. The Abbasid Caliphate, known for its cultural and intellectual flourishing, which included the translation and study of ancient Greek texts. This assimilation of Greek culture represents a key part of a broader effort to create a cosmopolitan society that included diverse ethnicities and cultures, not just local Arab feudal peasants.

The Abbasids essentially diminished the Arab-centric focus of the pseudo-Umayyad Caliphate, which claimed to have favored Arab identity and interests. By promoting a more inclusive approach, they aimed to unify the diverse populations within the empire, including non-Arab Muslim aristocrats. Such a divergent shift away from the Tribal Arab Koran as “the revelation” of the Prophet; the definition of Arab identity within the Tribal Arab Koran covenant republic/empire. This new cultural synthesis, which openly embraced Greek, Persian, and Indian influences integrated into into the heart and soul of non Arab Muslim “Islamic thought”. This new, vastly expanded cultural legacy, contributed to the decline of Arabia as the center of the non Arab Muslim world. The Abbasid impact on Europe, its service as the Prime Cause of the Renaissance revival; the resurrection of dead European culture and customs – marked by the Dark Ages. It undermined the revelation of Muhammad as the final prophet, of Tribal Koran covenant feudalism.

Assimilation to ancient Greek writers directly compares to the Hanukkah Civil War which pitted the P’rushim/pseudo-Umayyads against the Tzeddukim/assimilated Abbasid revolution. This Jewish Civil War pitted Torah purists, only committed to interpret the intent of the Torah through reliance upon the Oral Torah logic system, codified through the kabbalah of rabbi Akiva’s פרדס four part inductive reasoning. The assimilated Tzeddukim/assimilated Abbasid sought to abandon Oral Torah logic in favor of turning Jerusalem into a Greek polis City State. Much like the assimilated Abbasids moved their Capital distant from Mecca and Medina. Just as the Tzeddukim sought to remake Jerusalem unto the image of Athens; so too did the assimilated-Abbasids turn Baghdad into a cosmopolitan empire hostile to the Arab covenantal identity expressed in the Koran. Both rejected their respective “oral Torah/Hadith” interpretive revelation central to their respective national yet Tribal traditions.

Muslim universalism rejects the Torah revelation at Sinai which only Israel accepted, much the same way as the assimilated Abbasid ‘Golden Calf’ imposed a Muslim replacement theology which competed foreign alien Greek thinkers as equals to Muhammad the final prophet. Abbasid law schools (madhabs) no longer based solely upon prophetic or tribal adjudication, but systematized like Justinian’s Corpus Juris Civilis—foreign in form and hostile to Arab oral precedent. The Abbasid revolution, like the ‘Golden Calf’, did not openly reject Muhammad—it honored him in rhetoric while replacing the foundations of his Koran covenant with foreign structures.

The assimilated Tzeddukim likewise wanted Jews to forget the revelation of the Oral Torah at Horev. The ‘Golden Calf’ represents the idea of “replacement theology”. This defines the theology expressed by both Xtianity, the Arab Koran, and the Muslim theological belief in a Universal Allah, God to all Humanity. Abbasid scholars chose to ignore the Talmud. They rejected the revelation of the Oral Torah/פרדס logic just as surely as did the Tzeddukim reject the Oral Torah. The Koran represents a national revelation to the Arab people through the prophet Muhammad. In effect the Abbasids replaced their Koran covenantal specificity with abstract universality, undermining the very revelation they claimed to protect.

The Abbasid “revolution” utterly failed to establish righteous courts which could correct the pseudo-Umayyad judicial injustice. Unlike the American revolutionaries who rejected the vertical British Star courts with the lateral jury system, the Abbasid “revolution”, their corrupt vertical courts no different from the vertical British Star courts. The government bribed the Judges and prosecuting attorneys by paying their salaries.

Abbasid religious rhetoric propaganda (half-truths) declared their “belief” in Muhammad as the final prophet. But in actual fact their cultural synthesis of non Arab, Greek and other foreign cultural influences directly compares to the ancient Israelite sin of the Golden Calf – replacement theology.

The Abbasid period, which lasted from 750 to 1258 CE, represents a transformative era for Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh) and the codification of Islamic law. Scholars began to organize and systematize the principles of Islamic law, moving beyond the earlier, more Hadith common law precedent interpretations; which required a rigorous analysis of the Quran and Hadith. Assimilated Abbasid legal scholars organized fiqh into codes, which closely resembled the style of Greek and Roman law. Like as codified by Pope Gregory IX (c. 1170–1241) or Thomas Aquinas (1225–1274). The latter best known for his works “Summa Theologica” and “Summa Contra Gentiles”, which synthesized Aristotelian philosophy with Xtian theology, addressing issues of ethics, law, and the nature of God.

The four major Sunni schools: Hanafi, Maliki, Shafi’i, and Hanbali, directly influenced by Greek and Roman legal traditions, particularly in their approach to legal reasoning and the structure of legal codes. This cross-pollination of ideas contributed to a break down which attempted to unify Arab and non Arab Muslims as feudal equal aristocrats. Effectively, this estranged the rule of Mecca and Medina as the Government authority of the Arab empire/republic.

The Koran all together supplanted as the basis of Islamic law, in the sense that assimilated Abbasid law codes based their organization upon non Arab Muslim thinkers. The House of Wisdom in Baghdad, this institution promoted the translation and study of various texts, including those from Greek and Roman traditions. The failure of the assimilated Abbasid “revolution”, not merely political—but judicial, theological, and civilizational. By abandoning the Arab identity rooted in Meccan-Medinan Tribal justice, and replacing it with the foreign Hellenistic universalism together with Aristotle’s syllogism logic, the assimilated Abbasids traitors repeated the ancient sins of the Tzeddukim, together with the ערב רב builders of the Golden Calf. They all share a common foundation, they have no real fear of the אלהים. The task remains to recover the Arab prophetic covenant—as a national revelation with judicial integrity—restoring what was lost in the cosmopolitan mirage of Baghdad.

The assimilated Abbasid Caliphate dramatically weakened Arab identity. The Arab pseudo-Umayyad Caliphate, inherently unstable. Herein explains the prime reason for its short rule. The expansion of Muhammad’s Tribal Koran covenant nation, came at the expense of sacrificing the Arab identity which originally accepted Muhammad as its prophet. The spread of Islam came at the expense of the diminishment of Arab identity subsumed by a Islamic cosmopolitanism domination; which introduces many and multiple foreign cultures and customs into the Catholic\Islamic Universal faith. Where Greek and Roman legal tradition served as the basis which established a systematic approach to Islamic jurisprudence. Alas neither Greece nor Rome civilization gendered a Good Name reputation concerning the achievement judicial justice rule of law. The Abbasid legal codes, while more organized than the Hadith, influenced by non-Arab traditions, which some argue diluted the original Tribal Arab Koran covenant principles.

The Abbasid Caliphate rebelled against the Meccan-Medinan Koranic covenant. The assimilated Abbasids, despite their rhetorical white-wash allegiance to Muhammad and the Koran covenant, ultimately introduced a form of “replacement theology” akin to the biblical Golden Calf, which diluted the Arab prophetic foundation of the Koran covenant replaced by the charms of cosmopolitan inclusivity and Hellenistic legalism.

The Koran itself functioned as replacement theology for the T’NaCH. “We have not sent you except as a mercy to all the worlds” (Koran 21:107). It too likewise failed to respect that only Israel accepted the revelation of the Torah at Sinai. Just as only Muhammad alone received the visions from an Angel within a cave. There in the Koran, Muhammad interpreted – by Islamic theology – as the Seal of the Prophets, for humanity, not just the Arabs.

Islamic scholars to their credit sought to systematize Islamic law based on the Quran and Hadith, leading to the formation of distinct legal methodologies. The Quran and Hadith are the two primary sources of Islamic law. The Quran is considered the literal word of God, while Hadith comprises the sayings, actions, and approvals of the Prophet Muhammad. Scholars relied on these texts to derive legal rulings and principles. The Abbasid scholars emphasized that Islamic law should be grounded in divine revelation rather than solely relying on pre-Islamic customs or foreign legal systems.

Al-Shafi’i is renowned for his work in systematizing the principles of Islamic jurisprudence. His seminal book, “Al-Risala,” laid out a comprehensive framework for understanding the sources and methods of deriving legal rulings. Al-Shafi’i identified four primary sources of Islamic law: the Quran, Hadith, consensus (ijma), and analogy (qiyas). He argued that these sources should be used in a systematic manner to ensure that legal rulings are consistent with Islamic teachings. Al-Shafi’i placed a strong emphasis on the importance of Hadith as a source of law, advocating for the rigorous authentication of Hadith to ensure their reliability in legal reasoning.

In the early years of Islam, particularly during the time of the Prophet Muhammad, there were instances of coexistence and cooperation between Muslims and Jewish communities. The Constitution of Medina, for example, established a framework for mutual rights and responsibilities among Muslims and Jews in Medina. Yet the Almohad dynasty in the 12th century, when Jews were forced to convert to Islam or face expulsion definitively proved the shallow realities of justice achieved through Muslim courts.

The Oct7th Abomination War-News

Why Israel’s Strategy Against Hamas Is Different This Time

🚨 Israel Amb. RIPS Into UN: BOMBSHELL Info On Complicity With Hamas

Tom Fletcher, the UN’s humanitarian chief, has faced significant backlash for his statements regarding Israel’s actions in Gaza, which he described as genocidal. Following his remarks, he expressed regret for a specific claim that 14,000 babies could die within 48 hours if aid was not allowed into Gaza. This assertion was later retracted by the UN, leading to accusations of “blood libel” from Israeli officials.

Fletcher accused Israel of committing acts that could be classified as genocide, citing forced starvation and displacement of civilians in Gaza. His statements were made during a UN Security Council briefing, where he called for urgent international action. Despite the retraction, Fletcher maintained his stance on the humanitarian crisis in Gaza, emphasizing the dire conditions faced by civilians and the need for immediate humanitarian aid. He called on the international community to act decisively to prevent further suffering.

There is a separate issue regarding the UN’s “blacklist” of businesses operating in Israeli settlements, which has been criticized by Israel and its allies as discriminatory. This blacklist is part of a broader BDS (Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions) movement aimed at pressuring Israel regarding its policies in the occupied territories.

Recently, Israeli officials, particularly Ambassador Danny Danon, have accused the United Nations of threatening NGOs that choose to participate in a new aid mechanism for Gaza, which is backed by the U.S. and Israel. Danon claimed that the UN is using intimidation tactics against these NGOs, particularly those that do not adhere to the UN’s calls for a boycott of the new aid initiative. Danon stated that the UN has allegedly punished several major international NGOs for their willingness to cooperate with the new aid plan. He described the UN’s actions as “brutal” and likened them to “Mafia-like” tactics, claiming that NGOs were removed from a shared aid database without due process.

Son of Hamas Co-Founder Denounces Group at UN, Exposes ‘Savage’ Indoctrination of Palestinian Kids

Mosab Hassan Yousef, the son of a co-founder of Hamas, recently spoke at the United Nations, where he denounced the group and exposed the indoctrination of Palestinian children. His remarks highlighted the violent and extremist ideology propagated by Hamas, which he described as a significant threat to both Palestinians and Israelis. Yousef emphasized that Hamas engages in a systematic indoctrination of children, aiming to instill a mindset that promotes violence and hatred towards Israel. He recounted his own experiences growing up in this environment, stating that the primary goal of Hamas is to annihilate the State of Israel.

Yousef condemned Hamas for its violent tactics, including suicide bombings and attacks on civilians. He argued that the group’s actions not only harm Israelis but also perpetuate suffering among Palestinians, particularly the younger generation. Yousef’s testimony at the UN serves as a powerful reminder of the complexities of the conflict and the impact of extremist ideologies on future generations. His call for awareness and action reflects a broader concern about the ongoing violence and the need for a sustainable peace process.

Rubio DESTROYS Pro Hamas Lies in CONGRESS — Then STANDS with Israel

Rubio reiterated the U.S. commitment to Israel’s security, emphasizing that Hamas poses a significant threat not only to Israel but also to the Palestinian people. He stated that Hamas’s existence is incompatible with peace and security in the region. Rubio addressed various claims made by critics of Israel, labeling them as misleading or false. He aimed to clarify the U.S. position and reinforce support for Israel’s right to defend itself against terrorist threats.

Rubio’s statements reflect a broader bipartisan consensus in Congress regarding support for Israel, despite some dissenting voices that call for a more critical approach to Israel’s military actions in Gaza. He has suggested that some organizations have been complicit in spreading misinformation about the conflict. His strong stance in support of Israel aligns with the broader narrative among many U.S. lawmakers who view Israel as a key ally in a volatile region.

hw_multiplier16b_h_en_120 Britain Is Funding Hamas | Here’s the Proof

Since Israel left Gaza in 2005 London, especially in the last 5 years, its aid has switched from flour and other commodities to cash which permits Hamas to buy weapons and dig tunnels. UNICEF, the United Nations Children’s Fund, is a UN agency responsible for providing humanitarian and developmental aid to children worldwide.

The UK government has stated that it takes measures to ensure that its aid does not support terrorist organizations. This includes working with reputable NGOs and international organizations that have established protocols for monitoring the use of funds. UNICEF operates in Gaza and employs aid diversion. London’s funding of Hamas violates its own laws.

The UK has laws in place that prohibit funding terrorist organizations. The government is required to ensure that any aid provided complies with these laws, which include measures to prevent the diversion of funds to groups like Hamas. Cash-based aid can be more susceptible to diversion than in-kind assistance, such as food and medical supplies. This has led to concerns that funds could be used by Hamas for military purposes, including the purchase of weapons and the construction of tunnels.

Indian foreign policy together with its NAM allies, systematically deny the legitimacy of Jewish self-determination by cloaking antisemitic narratives in the rhetoric of postcolonial solidarity. This not only distorts the historical context of the Holocaust and the Jewish refugee crisis but also perpetuates double standards that undermine claims to a just multipolar world order.

India has prioritized foreign policy independence, which is a well-documented aspect of its diplomatic history. A trilateral relationship involving the U.S., India, and Tibet reflects a historical perspective on how these nations have interacted, particularly in the context of geopolitical concerns regarding China.

Growth in U.S.-India relations, particularly in trade and defense, which is supported by data showing increased bilateral trade and cooperation in various sectors. India’s nonalignment and strategic autonomy is a recognized principle in its foreign policy, as articulated by leaders like Jawaharlal Nehru and more recently by Prime Minister Modi. India maintains relationships with multiple countries, including those that may be at odds with U.S. interests (like Russia and Iran), reflects India’s diplomatic strategy of “multi-alignment.”

The metaphor “strange bed fellows” indicates the opinion that describes an unusual alliance, the emotional weight of the phrase implies a negative connotation about the partnership, suggesting an inherently unstable or insincere, without delving into a balanced view of the strategic rationale behind such alliances, as outside the scope of this paper. The Kashmir conflict the direct result of Britain’s Two State Solution failure. The US perhaps follows this British policy, something like a dog on a leash. Based upon the British White Paper and later the decision made by the FDR Administration to close all US ports to European Jews attempting to flee from the Nazi Shoah.

The theft of British imperialism that robbed India of its wealth and natural resources has nothing to do with the US, which existed as a pre-WWII minor power. The emotional propaganda “utter waste of time” and “strange bedfellows” raises red flags of “warning propaganda ahead”, which this address seeks to avoid.

The increase in trade and defense cooperation between the U.S. and India, well-documented. This growth signifies a shift in both countries’ approaches to mutual interests, particularly in the context of regional security and economic collaboration. Obviously Western propaganda plays up and toots the horn of “Two-State Solutions”, this fits their hostile imperialist strategic interests as “Great Powers”.

The U.S. has its own strategic interests and policies that have evolved independently since World War II. The 1956 Suez Crisis serves as a direct proof that post WWII that Britain has transformed unto a lower status power in the Middle East … a barking poodle. But the post WWII US Super-power status highly influenced by the 19th Century British empire “First among equals” Great Power status.

India exists as a founding member of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), which emerged during the Cold War. This alliance of countries sought to remain independent from the major power blocs led by the Cold War U.S. and the Soviet Union. This movement included many African nations. Their foreign policy emphasized solidarity among developing countries. India has often aligned itself with the voting patterns of non-aligned and developing countries in the UNGA, particularly on issues related to Israel and its dhimmi Arab refugee populations. This alignment reflects India’s historical support for the Arab promoted propaganda: the Palestinian cause. This post ’64 Arafat led propaganda promotes advocacy for the rights of dhimmi Arab refugee populations, specifically located in Israeli territory while conveniently ignoring these “oppressed peoples” suffering in refugee camps in Arab and Muslim countries. The ’64 PLO Charter makes no reference to Jordan’s West Bank or Egypt’s Gaza. It condemns ’48 Israel.

The broader sentiment among many non-aligned and African nations tend to skew their perspective of Israel, seen through the distorted lens of colonialism and oppression. As if the Shoah never really happened! India’s alignment with African non-aligned countries in the UNGA can also be seen as part of its broader strategy to strengthen ties with the Global South and assert its leadership role in international forums. This approach clearly aimed at promoting a multipolar world order and countering the Cold War Western vs. Soviet bi-polar hegemony.

Indian propaganda superficially promotes a foreign policy directed toward Arab and Muslim countries in the Middle East which denounces Israel as a part of European colonialism and India expresses solidarity with “oppressed Dhimmi Arab refugee” populations within the domain of Israel while totally ignoring the oppression endured by Palestinians shoved into refugee camps in Arab countries and denied citizenship and repatriation.

The African Nam countries skew their perspective of Israel, perhaps best described as an expression of Holocaust Denial. This Arab and Muslim nations perspective, often emphasizes historical injustices and frames the Israeli-Palestinian conflict within a broader context of colonialism and oppression. Critics argue that this focus overshadows the plight of Palestinians in refugee camps in Arab countries, where they often face significant challenges, including lack of citizenship and rights.

Palestinians in refugee camps in Arab countries face difficult living conditions and limited rights, and this reality – totally overlooked to support their hostile propaganda anti-Israel narratives that focus solely on the condemnation of Israel. This propaganda ignores Arab refusal to recognize Jews equal rights to self determination in the Middle East. Rather than outright overt denial of the Shoah war crimes by both the Germans and Allies, post Israeli Independence focuses upon the pathetic plight of Arab refugees consequent to Arab military defeats before the arms of the IDF.

India and Nam allies basically ignore the slaughter of the Jews by Nazis, together with the great power approval, expressed through the White Paper and FDR’s decision to close all US ports to Jews attempting to flee from the Nazi slaughter. And the Allied collective decision to not bomb the Nazi rail-lines leading to the death camps. India and Nam allies tend to buy into the Protocols of the Elders of Zion propaganda that Jews control governments and economies.

Yes it would be absurd for India and NAM countries to deny the Holocaust. Yet the propaganda which declares that Israel exist as Western colonialism, in point of fact denies the Shoah. It ignores the Israeli military victory in its 1948 and 1967 Wars of Independence!

During British colonial rule, Jews often portrayed as greedy and manipulative, echoing broader European antisemitic stereotypes. This included the idea that Jews were responsible for economic exploitation. In some Indian literature and folklore, Jews were depicted as outsiders or as having sinister motives, which contributed to a perception of Jews as untrustworthy. In the post-independence era, certain political figures have used antisemitic tropes to criticize Israel, often conflating Jewish identity with Western imperialism. This rhetoric sometimes includes references to Jews controlling global finance or media.

Some leaders within the NAM alliance have made statements that downplay or deny the Holocaust, often as a means to delegitimize Israel. This includes claims that the Holocaust was exaggerated or fabricated to justify the establishment of Israel. This utterly gross conspiracy theory has occasionally resurfaced in NAM discourse, suggesting that Jews secretly control world events or manipulate political outcomes. This trope repeatedly used to frame Israel’s actions as part of a larger, nefarious agenda. While criticism of Israel is not inherently antisemitic, some NAM leaders have crossed the line by employing language that echoes historical antisemitic tropes, such as portraying Israel as a global puppet master or suggesting that Jewish people collectively bear responsibility for the actions of the Israeli state.

India and NAM countries often employ language and imagery comparable to blood libels, Jews control the world antisemitism. The hypocrisy of their “double standards” concerning the gross Arab refusal to repatriate dhimmi Arab refugee populations post the First and Second Israeli Independence Wars fought in 1948 and again in 1967. India and NAM hostile propaganda collectively blames all Jews held responsible for the actions of the Israeli government – a clear antisemitic trope.

Framing Israel solely as a colonial outpost of the West conveniently ignores the Shoah, which exists as a major catalyst for post-war Jewish immigration and international recognition of Israel. This narrative erases the continuity of Jewish historical presence and trauma, reducing Zionism to a foreign implantation rather than a national revival movement to achieve Jewish self determination in the Middle East based upon the Balfour Agreement and the League of Nations Palestine Mandate. By labeling Jewish return their ancestral lands as “colonialism,” this rhetoric denies Jews the same rights to self-determination afforded to other postcolonial peoples, including India.

UNGA Resolution 3379 (1975): This resolution declared that “Zionism as racism, and racial discrimination.” That disgusting resolution framed the establishment of Israel as a colonial endeavor, equating it with other forms of colonialism and imperialism. This perspective defines NAM discourse during the 1970s, which reflects a broader anti-colonial hostility. In his address to the UN General Assembly, Arafat referred to the Palestinian struggle as a fight against colonialism. He characterized Israel’s establishment as a colonial project, which resonated with many NAM countries that were themselves emerging from great power colonial abuse.

In a speech at the UN, Castro described Israel as a “colonial entity” and criticized Western nations for supporting it. He framed the Palestinian struggle as part of the broader anti-colonial movement, a classic common theme in NAM rhetoric. UNGA Resolution 194 (1948): While not explicitly using the term “colonial,” this resolution called for the return of Palestinian refugees and the right of return, framing the situation in a way that implied a colonial context to the establishment of Israel.

The “colonial” framing used in NAM speeches and UNGA resolutions often overlooks the historical context of Jewish suffering and the motivations for statehood. While the establishment of Israel involved complex geopolitical factors, including the end of British colonial rule in Palestine, the framing tends to simplify the narrative to one of colonial oppression without acknowledging the historical injustices experienced and endured by Jews minority populations. The UN has never condemned the 3 Century Catholic church imposed ghetto gulag imposed upon the Jewish people.

During British colonial rule, European antisemitic tropes (e.g., Jews as greedy or manipulative) imported into Indian literature and discourse. India with its NAM allies, post Israeli independence, employed hostile political rhetoric which conflated Jewish identity with Western imperialism, portraying Israel as a nefarious global actor.

The speech at the 2003 OIC Summit: Mahathir Mohamad, then Prime Minister of Malaysia, made a controversial declaration where he stated, “The Jews rule the world by proxy.” He suggested that Jews control global institutions and economies. This reflects classic antisemitic trope about Jewish power and influence, never condemned by India or its NAM allies. The 2001 speech at the World Islamic Economic Forum: Mahathir claimed that Jews had a “stranglehold” on the world and accused them of manipulating global events for their benefit. Such disgusting rhetoric consistently defines his political career.

Speech at the UN General Assembly (2006): Chávez referred to the United States as an “imperialist” power and implied that Jewish influence secretly behind U.S. foreign policy, particularly regarding Israel. He used a conspiracy language which involved Jewish domination of global politics. Venezuelan state media has often echoed Chávez’s sentiments, portraying Israel in a negative light and suggesting that Jewish interests drive Western imperialism.

At his UN General Assembly Speech (1974), Arafat characterized the Palestinian struggle as a fight against colonialism and imperialism, framing Israel’s establishment as a colonial project. His rhetoric often included references to the “Zionist” movement as a form of colonial oppression. Mahmoud Ahmadinejad (Former President of Iran) made numerous speeches that included Holocaust denial and references to a supposed Jewish conspiracy. For example, in a speech at the UN in 2005, he questioned the historical accuracy of the Holocaust and suggested that it was used as a pretext for the establishment of Israel. Iranian state-sponsored media frequently disseminate content that promotes antisemitic tropes, including claims of Jewish control over global finance and media.

Textbooks in Various NAM Countries, educational materials have included content that perpetuates antisemitic stereotypes. For example, UNWRA textbooks which depict Jews as greedy or manipulative; or frame the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in a way that portrays Jews as colonial oppressors. UNGA Resolution 3379 (1975): This resolution, which equated Zionism with racism, was supported by many NAM countries and reflects a broader narrative that frames Israel’s actions as colonial and oppressive. These examples illustrate how antisemitic tropes, particularly those related to Jewish control and colonial framing, have been utilized by various NAM leaders and state-sponsored media. Such rhetoric often serves to delegitimize Israel and perpetuate harmful stereotypes about Jewish people, contributing to a broader culture of antisemitism in political discourse.

The issue of refugee rights and citizenship policies in Arab host states, particularly concerning Palestinian refugees, contrasts sharply with Israel’s absorption of Jewish refugees expelled from Arab countries after 1948. Approximately 2 million Palestinian refugees in Jordan have been granted citizenship, but many still face legal and social discrimination. Palestinian refugees in Lebanon do not have citizenship rights and are restricted from many professions and property ownership. They are often marginalized and live in overcrowded camps. Palestinian refugees in Syria had access to citizenship and social services before the civil war, but the ongoing conflict has severely affected their status and rights. Palestinian refugees in Egypt have limited rights and are not granted citizenship, facing restrictions on employment and movement.

Many Arab states have openly refused to sign the 1951 Refugee Convention or its 1967 Protocol, which affects the legal status and rights of refugees, including the right to work, education, and social services. Following the establishment of Israel in 1948, approximately 850,000 Jews were expelled or fled from Arab countries due to rising antisemitism and violence. This included significant populations from countries such as Iraq, Egypt, Yemen, and Libya. Israel absorbed these refugees, providing them with citizenship and integrating them into society. By the early 1950s, most of these refugees had settled in Israel, contributing to the country’s demographic and cultural landscape.

While Israel absorbed a large number of Jewish refugees from Arab countries, and provided them with citizenship and support, Arab host states have maintained restrictive policies toward dhimmi Palestinian refugees, often limiting their rights and opportunities. This aspect of history, totally ignored and overlooked in NAM discourse, which tends to focus primarily on the Palestinian one sided propaganda narrative, without acknowledging the complexities of Jewish refugee experiences from Arab countries.

The expulsion of Palestinian from Kuwait following the Gulf War in 1991, indeed a significant and often overlooked event in discussions about refugee rights and the treatment of minority populations inside Arab states. Following the liberation of Kuwait, the Kuwaiti government expelled a significant number of Palestinians. Estimates suggest that around 400,000 Palestinians, forced to leave the country. Largely due to the fact that many Palestinians overtly and publicly supported Saddam Hussein’s invasion and occupation of Kuwait. Similar to how the post WWII French treated Vichy supporters.

This violent expulsion, characterized by a lack of due process, many individuals forcibly removed from their homes and denied the right to return. Yet India together with its NAM allies totally support Arafat’s demand for the right of return. This hypocrisy has raised serious concerns regarding human rights violations and the treatment of minority populations in Kuwait.

The expulsion did not receive significant international condemnation, especially compared to post ’48 and ’67 dhimmi refugee crises or the 1970 black September Jordanian expulsion of dhimmi Palestinians. The expulsion of Palestinians from Kuwait or Jordan, often overlooked in the narratives promoted by NAM countries, including India. While these nations frequently criticize Israel for its treatment of Palestinians, they totally ignore the complexities of Palestinian experiences in Arab states, including the expulsion from Kuwait, Jordan and the Lebanese Civil War.

The term “dhimmi” classicly refers to non-Muslims living in an Islamic state with legal protection. The expulsion of Palestinians and other Arab residents from Kuwait raises questions about the treatment of minority Arab populations, and the responsibilities of Arab states towards those dhimmi Arabs who have historically lived within their borders. The expulsion of Palestinians and other Arab residents from Kuwait following the Gulf War, a significant event that highlights the complexities of Arab state policies towards dhimmi Arab minority populations.

It underscores the need for a more nuanced understanding of the refugee experience in the Arab world, particularly in the context of the local Israeli-Palestinian dhimmi refugee status. This aspect of history totally overshadowed by the focus on the illegality of Israel as a nation within the Middle East community of Nations. This one-dimensional narrative utterly fails to account for the experiences of Palestinians in various Arab states, the racist Item 7 of the UN Human Rights committee and the rejection of Israel as part of the Middle East voting block of nations.

The International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) definition of antisemitism provides a framework for identifying when criticism of Israel crosses unto antisemitism. Denying the Jewish people their right to self-determination (e.g., by claiming that the existence of a State of Israel is a racist endeavor). Applying double standards by requiring of it a behavior not expected or demanded of any other democratic nation, like the current Gaza war-crimes propaganda. Using symbols and images associated with classic antisemitism (e.g., accusing Jews of being greedy or controlling the world).

Denying the Right to Self-Determination…various NAM leaders have referred to Israel as a “colonial” or “settler” state, implying that the existence of Israel is illegitimate. For instance, Yasser Arafat, in his speeches, often framed the Palestinian struggle as a fight against colonialism, suggesting that Jews have no historical or legitimate claim to the land. This rhetoric denies the Jewish people’s right to self-determination in their ancestral homeland. UN Resolution 2334 promotes this colonial state slander propaganda.

Many NAM countries have criticized Israel for its military victories while remaining silent on the actions of other nations with similar or worse human rights records. For instance, during conflicts in Gaza, leaders from NAM countries have condemned Israel’s military responses without addressing the actions of Hamas or other groups that target Israeli civilians. Jordan’s use of Jewish grave stones as building material during its West Bank occupation never internationally condemned. This selective criticism exemplifies the application of double standards, as similar criminal behavior totally ignored by the India/NAM alliance in the UN General Assembly.

The IHRA definition of antisemitism provides a useful framework for analyzing India/NAM rhetoric regarding Israel and the Jewish people. By identifying instances where criticism of Israel crosses into antisemitism, it becomes clear that certain narratives perpetuated by India/NAM leaders and their supporters contribute to a broader culture of antisemitism guilt. Recognizing these ever repeated patterns, essential for fostering a more nuanced and responsible discourse around the Israeli-dhimmi Arab conflict and the rights of all peoples involved.

Political and Religious Rhetoric stinks & smells of rotten eggs.

Critical and absolutely necessary to understand how different cultures of different people shape, interpret, and understand similar literary ideas/ideals.

The Eastern Jin dynasty (东晋, Dōng Jìn) was a Chinese dynasty that lasted from 317 to 420 AD. It is considered part of the Six Dynasties period, which followed the fall of the Western Jin dynasty and was characterized by political fragmentation and cultural development in southern China. The Eastern Jin was established by the Sima family, who were descendants of the Jin dynasty’s ruling clan. After the fall of the Western Jin due to internal strife and invasions by non-Han ethnic groups, the remnants of the Jin court retreated to the south, where they established the Eastern Jin with its capital at Jiankang (present-day Nanjing).

The dynasty struggled with internal conflicts, including power struggles among aristocratic families and military leaders. Despite political instability, the Eastern Jin period was marked by significant cultural and intellectual achievements. It was a time of flourishing literature, philosophy, and art. Notable figures, such as the poet and essayist Lu Ji, emerged during this period.

The Eastern Jin saw the continued spread of Buddhism in China, which began to gain popularity among the populace. Daoism also remained influential, contributing to the spiritual and cultural life of the time. The Eastern Jin dynasty played a crucial role in the development of Chinese culture and society during a time of significant transition and upheaval.

“The Whip” (文赋九) section, Lu Ji uses the metaphor of a whip to illustrate the power of literature and the writer’s ability to influence and inspire. The whip symbolizes both control and the ability to provoke action, reflecting how literature can guide emotions and thoughts. The section highlights the importance of craftsmanship in writing, suggesting that a skilled writer can wield their words effectively to achieve their intended impact.

Just as a whip can evoke a physical response, literature can stir deep emotions in readers, prompting reflection and action as literature can influence society and individuals profoundly. The concept of writing as a form of “population control” or a means of influencing and guiding society can be found in various literary and rhetorical traditions beyond Chinese literature. Greek philosophers and rhetoricians, such as Aristotle and Plato, emphasized the power of rhetoric in shaping public opinion and guiding behavior. Aristotle, in particular, discussed the ethical responsibilities of the speaker in his work “Rhetoric,” where he argued that effective persuasion should be grounded in truth and moral integrity. Plato, in works like “Gorgias,” critiqued rhetoric for its potential to manipulate rather than enlighten, highlighting the responsibility of the orator to use their skills wisely.

In ancient Greece, particularly in philosophical circles, the relationship between a teacher and a student was often one of mentorship. Teachers like Plato and Aristotle were highly respected figures, and their teachings were foundational to the development of Western philosophy. While Plato did critique rhetoric, particularly in works like “Gorgias,” his criticisms were aimed at the ethical implications of rhetoric and its potential for manipulation rather than a direct critique of Aristotle as a person. Plato believed that rhetoric could be used for deceitful purposes and that true knowledge and philosophical inquiry were more valuable than mere persuasive speech.

The philosophical tradition encouraged debate and discussion, and it was not uncommon for students to challenge their teachers’ ideas. This dialectical method was a way to deepen understanding and refine arguments. This cultural Greek style not commonly found in Judean society. True rabbi Akiva serves as a exceptional exception. But in Judea the masoret spun around the central axis where the pupil did not openly challenge the rabbi master.

In contrast, the educational practices in ancient Judea, particularly in rabbinic traditions, often emphasized a more hierarchical relationship between the rabbi (teacher) and the student (pupil). While there was respect for the rabbi’s authority and knowledge, the structure of learning was typically more focused on the transmission of established פרדס logic and the different schools of logical middot of interpretation like that of rabbi Yishmael and rabbi Yossi Ha’Galilli. Students were generally expected to learn from their teachers without openly challenging them, as the rabbi’s role was seen as a guide to understanding sacred texts and traditions. For example rabbi Akiva’s kabbalah of פרדס logic emphasized inductive active comparisons between common law case/rule rulings compared to similar judicial case/rule precedent rulings. Herein defines common law as Judean judicial justice, built around judicial law as opposed by Greek legislative law which organized law into organized legal subjects.

Common law all about courtroom judicial definitions of law rather that bureaucratic legislative decrees from above made by authority figures who based their law upon what served best the interests of the State rather than resolve a legal dispute over damages inflicted by one citizen upon another citizen of the Republic.

In rabbinic traditions, the relationship between the rabbi and the student was indeed more hierarchical. For a rabbi to sit upon a judicial court, everything depended upon that rabbi’s order vis a vis other rabbis likewise desiring to sit as a courtroom judge. If for example a judge retired, the closest student in line to replace him, appointed as judge. Hence Judicial Judean law recognized an order of rabbinic authority whereas Greek statute law had no such cultural masoret. Judean society, common law was focused on resolving disputes between individuals based on established precedents and judicial rulings. This approach emphasized the practical application of law in the context of real-life situations and the relationships between citizens. In contrast, Greek legislative law often involved decrees made by authorities that could prioritize the interests of the state over individual justice. The rabbinic tradition was deeply rooted in religious and communal values, emphasizing the importance of ethical behavior and justice within the community. Greek philosophy, while also concerned with ethics, often approached law and governance from a more abstract and theoretical perspective, focusing on the role of reason and the state.

Following the utter destruction of Judea by the Romans following the disaster of the Bar Kokhba revolt [b] (132-136 AD), Greek legislative statute law dominated both politics and literature.

The Roman statesman and orator Cicero wrote extensively on rhetoric and the responsibilities of the speaker. In his works, such as “De Oratore,” he emphasized the importance of moral character and the ethical obligations of orators to use their skills for the common good, suggesting that rhetoric could be a tool for social order and governance.

In the 17th century, the English poet and writer John Milton expressed similar views in his writings, particularly in “Areopagitica,” where he argued for the importance of free expression and the role of literature in shaping society. Milton believed that writers had a responsibility to engage with moral and political issues, using their skills to promote truth and justice.

In the 20th century, George Orwell’s essays, particularly “Politics and the English Language,” discuss the manipulation of language and the responsibility of writers to use clear and honest language. Orwell warned against the use of language as a tool for propaganda and control, emphasizing the ethical duty of writers to resist such practices. The American novelist Toni Morrison spoke about the power of storytelling and the responsibility of writers to address social issues, particularly those related to race and identity. In her works and interviews, she highlighted the role of literature in shaping cultural narratives and influencing societal change.

In ancient China, particularly during the Eastern Jin dynasty and earlier periods, Confucianism played a significant role in shaping educational practices. Confucius emphasized the importance of literature, moral education, and the cultivation of virtue through study. The study of classical texts, poetry, and philosophy was seen as essential for personal development and moral character. Scholars were expected to engage deeply with texts, reflecting on their meanings and applying them to ethical conduct.

Chinese literature often served as a means of moral instruction and social harmony. Works like the “Analects” of Confucius and the poetry of the Tang dynasty were not only artistic expressions but also vehicles for ethical teachings. The disciplined study of literature was viewed as a way to cultivate one’s character and contribute to the well-being of society.

The Chinese literary tradition included various forms, such as poetry, essays, and historical writings. The emphasis on literary craftsmanship and the ability to convey complex ideas through elegant language was highly valued. Scholars often participated in literary competitions, which were integral to the civil service examination system, reinforcing the connection between literature, education, and governance.

Ancient Greece the dialectical method encouraged critical thinking and debate, allowing students to engage with texts and challenge established ideas. Greek rhetoric was seen as a powerful tool for persuasion and influence. The ethical responsibilities of speakers and writers were central to discussions about rhetoric, with an emphasis on truth and moral integrity. Literature, particularly in the form of drama and poetry, was used to reflect societal values, explore human nature, and provoke thought about moral dilemmas.

The rabbinic approach emphasized a hierarchical relationship between the rabbi and the student, with a focus on the transmission of established teachings based both upon inductive comparative Case/Rule rulings compared to similar precedent previous Courtroom rulings. The organization of the T’NaCH Mishna and Gemara codifications, highly edited texts which permit later students to make fixed tri-angulated syllogism deductive conclusions of reasoning – based upon the classic texts being sealed and static rigid – ideal for syllogistic deductive reasoning. T’NaCH, like the Mishna and Gemara, also a sealed text. This more ancient Hebrew literature focused upon prophetic mussar rather than Talmudic ritual halacha.

Zen Buddhism, which emphasizes direct experience and meditation, became a significant influence in Japan, particularly during the Kamakura period (1185–1333). It focuses on mindfulness, simplicity, and the nature of existence, which resonated with Japanese aesthetics and culture. Shiatsu practitioners focus on the body’s meridians and pressure points, aiming to restore balance and promote healing. The practice reflects a holistic approach to health, integrating physical, emotional, and spiritual well-being. The emphasis on mindfulness and presence in Zen practice complements the Shiatsu approach, as practitioners are encouraged to be fully aware and attentive during treatment.

Chinese Daoism has a well-developed concept of “Chi” (or “Qi”), which refers to the vital life force that flows through all living things. This concept is central to various Chinese healing practices, martial arts, and philosophical thought. In contrast, Zen Buddhism does not have a specific concept of Chi. Instead, it focuses on the nature of mind and existence, emphasizing direct experience and meditation rather than the manipulation of energy.

When Zen Buddhism was introduced to Japan, it adapted to the existing cultural and spiritual landscape, which included Shinto beliefs and practices. This adaptation led to a unique expression of Zen that differed from its Chinese roots. Confucianism, with its emphasis on social harmony, hierarchy, and moral conduct, had a profound influence on Chinese society, particularly in governance and education. However, its principles did not take hold in the same way within Japanese samurai culture. The samurai class was more influenced by Bushido, the “way of the warrior,” which emphasized loyalty, honor, and martial prowess. While there are overlaps with Confucian values, the samurai ethos was distinct and often prioritized martial values over Confucian ideals of social order and moral conduct.

The historical context of Japan, including the feudal system and the rise of the samurai, shaped the values and beliefs of warrior societies. The samurai were often more influenced by Zen Buddhism, which provided a spiritual framework that complemented their martial practices and philosophies. The influences of Zen Buddhism on practices like Shiatsu healing and the distinct cultural expressions of Japanese warrior societies illustrate the complexities of cultural exchange and adaptation. While Chinese philosophies like Daoism and Confucianism have had significant impacts in their own contexts, their principles did not always translate directly into Japanese culture, which developed its own unique interpretations and practices. This dynamic interplay between cultures highlights the richness of both Chinese and Japanese traditions.

Critical and absolutely necessary to understand how different cultures of different people shape, interpret, and understand similar literary ideas/ideals.

The Eastern Jin dynasty (东晋, Dōng Jìn) was a Chinese dynasty that lasted from 317 to 420 AD. It is considered part of the Six Dynasties period, which followed the fall of the Western Jin dynasty and was characterized by political fragmentation and cultural development in southern China. The Eastern Jin was established by the Sima family, who were descendants of the Jin dynasty’s ruling clan. After the fall of the Western Jin due to internal strife and invasions by non-Han ethnic groups, the remnants of the Jin court retreated to the south, where they established the Eastern Jin with its capital at Jiankang (present-day Nanjing).

The dynasty struggled with internal conflicts, including power struggles among aristocratic families and military leaders. Despite political instability, the Eastern Jin period was marked by significant cultural and intellectual achievements. It was a time of flourishing literature, philosophy, and art. Notable figures, such as the poet and essayist Lu Ji, emerged during this period.

The Eastern Jin saw the continued spread of Buddhism in China, which began to gain popularity among the populace. Daoism also remained influential, contributing to the spiritual and cultural life of the time. The Eastern Jin dynasty played a crucial role in the development of Chinese culture and society during a time of significant transition and upheaval.

“The Whip” (文赋九) section, Lu Ji uses the metaphor of a whip to illustrate the power of literature and the writer’s ability to influence and inspire. The whip symbolizes both control and the ability to provoke action, reflecting how literature can guide emotions and thoughts. The section highlights the importance of craftsmanship in writing, suggesting that a skilled writer can wield their words effectively to achieve their intended impact.

Just as a whip can evoke a physical response, literature can stir deep emotions in readers, prompting reflection and action as literature can influence society and individuals profoundly. The concept of writing as a form of “population control” or a means of influencing and guiding society can be found in various literary and rhetorical traditions beyond Chinese literature. Greek philosophers and rhetoricians, such as Aristotle and Plato, emphasized the power of rhetoric in shaping public opinion and guiding behavior. Aristotle, in particular, discussed the ethical responsibilities of the speaker in his work “Rhetoric,” where he argued that effective persuasion should be grounded in truth and moral integrity. Plato, in works like “Gorgias,” critiqued rhetoric for its potential to manipulate rather than enlighten, highlighting the responsibility of the orator to use their skills wisely.

In ancient Greece, particularly in philosophical circles, the relationship between a teacher and a student was often one of mentorship. Teachers like Plato and Aristotle were highly respected figures, and their teachings were foundational to the development of Western philosophy. While Plato did critique rhetoric, particularly in works like “Gorgias,” his criticisms were aimed at the ethical implications of rhetoric and its potential for manipulation rather than a direct critique of Aristotle as a person. Plato believed that rhetoric could be used for deceitful purposes and that true knowledge and philosophical inquiry were more valuable than mere persuasive speech.

The philosophical tradition encouraged debate and discussion, and it was not uncommon for students to challenge their teachers’ ideas. This dialectical method was a way to deepen understanding and refine arguments. This cultural Greek style not commonly found in Judean society. True rabbi Akiva serves as a exceptional exception. But in Judea the masoret spun around the central axis where the pupil did not openly challenge the rabbi master.

In contrast, the educational practices in ancient Judea, particularly in rabbinic traditions, often emphasized a more hierarchical relationship between the rabbi (teacher) and the student (pupil). While there was respect for the rabbi’s authority and knowledge, the structure of learning was typically more focused on the transmission of established פרדס logic and the different schools of logical middot of interpretation like that of rabbi Yishmael and rabbi Yossi Ha’Galilli. Students were generally expected to learn from their teachers without openly challenging them, as the rabbi’s role was seen as a guide to understanding sacred texts and traditions. For example rabbi Akiva’s kabbalah of פרדס logic emphasized inductive active comparisons between common law case/rule rulings compared to similar judicial case/rule precedent rulings. Herein defines common law as Judean judicial justice, built around judicial law as opposed by Greek legislative law which organized law into organized legal subjects.

Common law all about courtroom judicial definitions of law rather that bureaucratic legislative decrees from above made by authority figures who based their law upon what served best the interests of the State rather than resolve a legal dispute over damages inflicted by one citizen upon another citizen of the Republic.

In rabbinic traditions, the relationship between the rabbi and the student was indeed more hierarchical. For a rabbi to sit upon a judicial court, everything depended upon that rabbi’s order vis a vis other rabbis likewise desiring to sit as a courtroom judge. If for example a judge retired, the closest student in line to replace him, appointed as judge. Hence Judicial Judean law recognized an order of rabbinic authority whereas Greek statute law had no such cultural masoret. Judean society, common law was focused on resolving disputes between individuals based on established precedents and judicial rulings. This approach emphasized the practical application of law in the context of real-life situations and the relationships between citizens. In contrast, Greek legislative law often involved decrees made by authorities that could prioritize the interests of the state over individual justice. The rabbinic tradition was deeply rooted in religious and communal values, emphasizing the importance of ethical behavior and justice within the community. Greek philosophy, while also concerned with ethics, often approached law and governance from a more abstract and theoretical perspective, focusing on the role of reason and the state.

Following the utter destruction of Judea by the Romans following the disaster of the Bar Kokhba revolt [b] (132-136 AD), Greek legislative statute law dominated both politics and literature.

The Roman statesman and orator Cicero wrote extensively on rhetoric and the responsibilities of the speaker. In his works, such as “De Oratore,” he emphasized the importance of moral character and the ethical obligations of orators to use their skills for the common good, suggesting that rhetoric could be a tool for social order and governance.

In the 17th century, the English poet and writer John Milton expressed similar views in his writings, particularly in “Areopagitica,” where he argued for the importance of free expression and the role of literature in shaping society. Milton believed that writers had a responsibility to engage with moral and political issues, using their skills to promote truth and justice.

In the 20th century, George Orwell’s essays, particularly “Politics and the English Language,” discuss the manipulation of language and the responsibility of writers to use clear and honest language. Orwell warned against the use of language as a tool for propaganda and control, emphasizing the ethical duty of writers to resist such practices. The American novelist Toni Morrison spoke about the power of storytelling and the responsibility of writers to address social issues, particularly those related to race and identity. In her works and interviews, she highlighted the role of literature in shaping cultural narratives and influencing societal change.

In ancient China, particularly during the Eastern Jin dynasty and earlier periods, Confucianism played a significant role in shaping educational practices. Confucius emphasized the importance of literature, moral education, and the cultivation of virtue through study. The study of classical texts, poetry, and philosophy was seen as essential for personal development and moral character. Scholars were expected to engage deeply with texts, reflecting on their meanings and applying them to ethical conduct.

Chinese literature often served as a means of moral instruction and social harmony. Works like the “Analects” of Confucius and the poetry of the Tang dynasty were not only artistic expressions but also vehicles for ethical teachings. The disciplined study of literature was viewed as a way to cultivate one’s character and contribute to the well-being of society.

The Chinese literary tradition included various forms, such as poetry, essays, and historical writings. The emphasis on literary craftsmanship and the ability to convey complex ideas through elegant language was highly valued. Scholars often participated in literary competitions, which were integral to the civil service examination system, reinforcing the connection between literature, education, and governance.

Ancient Greece the dialectical method encouraged critical thinking and debate, allowing students to engage with texts and challenge established ideas. Greek rhetoric was seen as a powerful tool for persuasion and influence. The ethical responsibilities of speakers and writers were central to discussions about rhetoric, with an emphasis on truth and moral integrity. Literature, particularly in the form of drama and poetry, was used to reflect societal values, explore human nature, and provoke thought about moral dilemmas.

The rabbinic approach emphasized a hierarchical relationship between the rabbi and the student, with a focus on the transmission of established teachings based both upon inductive comparative Case/Rule rulings compared to similar precedent previous Courtroom rulings. The organization of the T’NaCH Mishna and Gemara codifications, highly edited texts which permit later students to make fixed tri-angulated syllogism deductive conclusions of reasoning – based upon the classic texts being sealed and static rigid – ideal for syllogistic deductive reasoning. T’NaCH, like the Mishna and Gemara, also a sealed text. This more ancient Hebrew literature focused upon prophetic mussar rather than Talmudic ritual halacha.

Zen Buddhism, which emphasizes direct experience and meditation, became a significant influence in Japan, particularly during the Kamakura period (1185–1333). It focuses on mindfulness, simplicity, and the nature of existence, which resonated with Japanese aesthetics and culture. Shiatsu practitioners focus on the body’s meridians and pressure points, aiming to restore balance and promote healing. The practice reflects a holistic approach to health, integrating physical, emotional, and spiritual well-being. The emphasis on mindfulness and presence in Zen practice complements the Shiatsu approach, as practitioners are encouraged to be fully aware and attentive during treatment.

Chinese Daoism has a well-developed concept of “Chi” (or “Qi”), which refers to the vital life force that flows through all living things. This concept is central to various Chinese healing practices, martial arts, and philosophical thought. In contrast, Zen Buddhism does not have a specific concept of Chi. Instead, it focuses on the nature of mind and existence, emphasizing direct experience and meditation rather than the manipulation of energy.

When Zen Buddhism was introduced to Japan, it adapted to the existing cultural and spiritual landscape, which included Shinto beliefs and practices. This adaptation led to a unique expression of Zen that differed from its Chinese roots. Confucianism, with its emphasis on social harmony, hierarchy, and moral conduct, had a profound influence on Chinese society, particularly in governance and education. However, its principles did not take hold in the same way within Japanese samurai culture. The samurai class was more influenced by Bushido, the “way of the warrior,” which emphasized loyalty, honor, and martial prowess. While there are overlaps with Confucian values, the samurai ethos was distinct and often prioritized martial values over Confucian ideals of social order and moral conduct.

The historical context of Japan, including the feudal system and the rise of the samurai, shaped the values and beliefs of warrior societies. The samurai were often more influenced by Zen Buddhism, which provided a spiritual framework that complemented their martial practices and philosophies. The influences of Zen Buddhism on practices like Shiatsu healing and the distinct cultural expressions of Japanese warrior societies illustrate the complexities of cultural exchange and adaptation. While Chinese philosophies like Daoism and Confucianism have had significant impacts in their own contexts, their principles did not always translate directly into Japanese culture, which developed its own unique interpretations and practices. This dynamic interplay between cultures highlights the richness of both Chinese and Japanese traditions.

Germans have a long bloody oppressive history of scape-goating Jews and promoting Goebbels anti-Jewish propaganda.


While some may view comparisons between the Nakba and the Holocaust as inappropriate or revisionist, others argue that such comparisons can serve to highlight the ongoing struggles for justice and recognition faced by different groups. The discourse surrounding these issues is often polarized, reflecting deeply held beliefs and historical grievances on all sides. The comparison between the two events is indeed a contentious issue, and many people hold differing views on the appropriateness and implications of such comparisons.

Initially, many Arabs referred to the events of 1948 as a military disaster or defeat in the context of the Arab-Israeli War, which resulted in the establishment of the State of Israel. In the immediate aftermath of the 1948 war, Arab leaders and commentators described the events as a military failure, particularly in light of the expectations that Arab forces would successfully prevent the establishment of Israel. This perspective emphasized the military aspects of the conflict and the perceived disgrace of the Arab states in failing to achieve their objectives.

Initially, the term “Nakba” was used to describe the military defeat and the failure of Arab states to prevent the establishment of Israel in 1948. This perspective emphasizes the military and political dimensions of the events. The fact that many Arab states did not grant citizenship to Palestinian refugees has been a point of contention. Critics argue that this refusal has contributed to UNWRA, the ongoing plight of generations of Palestinians and has been used politically to maintain their status as refugees rather than integrating them into host countries.

Concerns about historical revisionism are valid, especially when narratives are perceived to distort established facts or diminish the significance of particular events. Engaging critically with these narratives is essential for understanding the complexities of the conflict.

The Holocaust was a systematic genocide that resulted in the murder of six million Jews and millions of others, including Roma, disabled individuals, and political dissidents. The Nakba, while involving significant displacement and suffering for Palestinians, occurred in a different historical and political context. Many argue that conflating the two events diminishes the specific historical significance of the Holocaust.

Concerns about historical revisionism arise when narratives are perceived to distort established facts or diminish the significance of particular events. The use of the Holocaust in political discourse, especially in ways that may seem to equate it with other forms of suffering, can be seen as an attempt to revise or reinterpret history in a way that is not accurate. The discourse surrounding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often polarized, with deeply held beliefs and historical grievances on all sides. To equate the Palestinians to the Shoah directly compares to Joseph Goebbels Nazi propaganda which distorted reality to fit the Nazi/Arab narratives. Fact remain rock solid: All Arab Israeli war the result of Arab refusal to validate the 1947 2/3rd UN General Assembly vote which recognizes the equal rights of the Jewish people to achieve self determination in the Middle East based upon the League of Nations accepted Balfour Declaration.

The refusal of many Arab states to grant citizenship to Palestinian refugees has been a significant point of contention. Critics argue that this has perpetuated post ’67 Six Day War “status” of Balestinians, (Arabs cannot pronounce the letter P) as refugees and contributed to their ongoing plight, complicating the narrative of displacement. The discourse surrounding the Holocaust and the Nakba is often fraught with concerns about historical revisionism. When narratives are perceived to distort established facts or diminish the significance of particular events, it raises valid concerns about the accuracy and integrity of historical discourse.

The 1947 UN General Assembly Resolution 181, which recommended the partition of Palestine into Jewish and Arab states, is a critical document in the history of the conflict. The rejection of this resolution by Arab states is often cited as a pivotal moment that contributed to the ongoing conflict.

Erhard Arendt’s shift in focus from the historical context of the Holocaust to advocating for the Palestinian cause can be understood through his life experiences and the socio-political environment in which he operated. Specific details about when or how this shift from disgraced post WWII German to Arab propaganda promoter, when exactly this occurred in his personal beliefs, not widely documented. His advocacy for the Palestinian cause may have stemmed from a broader commitment to fighting against oppression and injustice, reflects the systematic German hatred of Jews. While it is clear that Erhard Arendt became an advocate for Palestinian rights, the exact timeline and motivations for this shift are not extensively documented. Arendt’s shift toward advocating for Palestinian rights scape-goats the Jews just as classic Church ”cursed Cain” propaganda promoted throughout the Ages.

Oct 7th Abomination War News:

The Israeli government has issued strong rebukes to both France and the United Kingdom over their calls for a ceasefire in Gaza, viewing these appeals as undermining Israel’s right to self-defense and inadvertently bolstering Hamas.

🇫🇷 France

French President Emmanuel Macron and Foreign Minister Catherine Colonna have advocated for an “immediate and durable” ceasefire in Gaza, expressing deep concern over civilian casualties. During a visit to Tel Aviv, Colonna emphasized the need to protect civilians and deliver humanitarian aid.

In response, Israeli Foreign Minister Eli Cohen rejected the ceasefire proposal, stating it would be a strategic error and a “gift to Hamas.” He asserted that halting military operations would allow Hamas to regroup and continue its attacks against Israeli civilians.

Furthermore, Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant dismissed France’s initiative to form a trilateral contact group with the U.S. and Israel to address tensions on Israel’s northern border. Gallant accused France of adopting hostile policies towards Israel and declared that Israel would not participate in the proposed framework.

🇬🇧 United Kingdom

The UK, alongside France and Canada, issued a joint statement condemning Israel’s renewed offensive in Gaza, labeling it “morally unjustifiable” and warning of potential violations of international law. The UK also suspended trade talks with Israel and imposed sanctions on Israeli West Bank settlers.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu responded by accusing British Prime Minister Keir Starmer and other leaders of siding with Hamas. He stated, “When mass murderers, rapists, baby killers, and kidnappers thank you, you’re on the wrong side of justice, you’re on the wrong side of humanity, and you’re on the wrong side of history.”

🇮🇱 Israel’s Position

Israel maintains that a ceasefire without the complete dismantling of Hamas and the return of all hostages would be unacceptable. The Israeli government views international calls for a ceasefire as undermining its security and emboldening terrorist activities.

These diplomatic tensions highlight the growing rift between Israel and some of its traditional allies, as disagreements over the approach to the Gaza conflict intensify.

The difference how an Israeli vs a g’lut rabbi reads the Torah

Rabbi Miller’s article is a didactic moral meditation on Parshat Bamidbar, centered around the theme of order and structure. The parsha is full of technical, logistical details—census, encampment, tribal flags, and priestly duties. Why all this minutiae in the Torah? Why does Hashem care about camp layout or flag design? Because God loves structure. Order reflects His cosmic design—from stars to mitzvot?? Even when life feels chaotic or spiritual striving feels individualistic, structure—halakhic structure—is the road to God???

The encampment structure isn’t just about aesthetics or “inner peace.” It’s a military and political arrangement for a people preparing to conquer a land under divine command. The census is a draft; the flags are tribal banners; the Levi’im are positioned around the Mishkan as political-religious guardians of national integrity.

Rabbi Miller’s version turns the desert into a retreat center with good plumbing. In reality, it is a national-messianic staging ground. Israel came out of the judicial oppression of Egypt to rule the land of conquered Canaan with fair and righteous judicial courtroom rulings which make accurate compensation of damages inflicted by one Jew upon another! The mitzva of Moshiach – the one error of king David in this “korban dedication” … the justice accorded to the husband of Bat Sheva! From this repeatedly emphasized error we learn the k’vanna of the mitzva of Moshiach – to pursue the faith of righteous justice within the borders of Canaan.

There is no mention of Sinai, brit, or the people’s sworn oath to live as a holy nation. Without this, structure becomes a kind of self-help, or spiritual efficiency manual, rather than the terms of a binding national constitution. It compares to the love theology of the Xtian church which totally ignores the bloody history of its war-crimes abominations. How does the chosen Cohen people do mitzvot לשמה???? By ignoring the oath, Miller’s piece secularizes mitzvot into spiritual best practices, not obligations of a chosen political entity.

There is no mention of galut, loss, or the exile’s conditions that would make the structure of Bamidbar especially poignant—or tragic. Rabbi Glass writes from within exile without ever naming it. His “order” is disconnected from the collapse of the Federal Sanhedrin lateral common law court system!!!! He plants no vision of restoring the Torah Constitutional Republic and the common law court system based upon the model of the Talmud.

Without recognizing exile, we risk normalizing it as a spiritual ideal. A Torah of flags and tribal roles that ignores the present absence of those very things is a Torah of denial.

Rabbi Glass presents Torah as a lifestyle curriculum, not the Torah obligation to pursue righteous judicial justice within the borders of our oath inherited lands. His comments ignore the curse of g’lut where Jews lose the wisdom to do mitzvot לשמה. His moral lesson may be sincere, but it is disconnected from the actual narrative structure and legal-political core of Sefer Bamidbar.

All the Chaggaim and Shabbat call our people to remember. Remember what exactly? To remember the oaths sworn by Avraham, Yitzak, and Yaacov which through time oriented commandments create continually the chosen Cohen people from nothing יש מאין.

mosckerr

Discerning between Greek deductive logic from Jewish inductive logic.

A Guide to understanding how to learn the Talmud employing Inductive and Deductive reasoning

Addressing how the Gemara learns the Mishna. This requires addressing the key issue of logic. The sealed Talmudic texts have a static quality. This fixed static quality plays well into syllogism triangulation deductive reasoning. A sugya of Gemara compares, its seems to me, to a thesis statement format. Each sugya of Gemara has an opening thesis statement, and a closing restatement of that same thesis statement – employing a multiple Case/Din study. These opening and closing comparative Case\Din studies functions, so to speak, as the two legs of a triangle. If a person compares any halachic precedent found in the body of that sugya, this point maps the – so to speak – the hypotenuse line; forming a syllogistic line of reasoning process which seeks to understand how these comparison of precedents Cases teach Talmudic common law. And specifically how the Gemara comments on the language of the Mishna based upon comparative precedents.

Important to stress, Talmudic common law does not compare to reading a novel for pleasure. Torah law – very cranial by nature. The 13 hermeneutical rules of Rabbi Yishmael or the PaRDeS system of textual interpretation the יסוד upon which both the Mishna and Gemara stand upon. The major theme of the Talmud, it continually weighs tohor vs tuma spirits which dominates the opposing Yatzirot within the heart.This defining agenda a subtle kabbalah, concealed from the eyes of foreign “Roman” censors. The texts of both the Yerushalmi and Bavli written under prying watchful and suspicious-hostile eyes. The birth of this common law literature did not happen in a political vacuum nor some fictional virgin-birth process.

The Talmud reflects a highly edited and polished text. To study the Talmud requires developing an awareness of this basic most fundamental fact. The Talmud, the product of Jewish military disasters and defeats, and the hopes to restore national and political independence. The Jewish people face the cold cruel facts of a fast approaching hard cruel g’lut winter of oppression, theft, sexual immodesty, and bribed judges. The Framers of the Talmud therefore sought to establish a model for when the Spring of redemption and political national independence once more shined. A rebuilt Jewish state shall require Sanhedrin courts of common law in order to obey צדק צדק תרדוף, the Torah definition of faith. This concept of faith separates the oath alliance from the dominant empires together with their beliefs in Universal Gods. The revelation of HaShem at Sinai, only Israel witnessed. Hence HaShem – a local tribal God, who continually creates the chosen Cohen people from nothing. Jews have no burning obligation to convert the world to embrace some Universal belief in a Monotheistic God.

Jewish courts, based upon the primary Talmudic Sanhedrin model, do not remotely resemble the vertical Goyim courtrooms where the State bribes the Judges and the Prosecuting Attorneys by paying their public salaries. A lateral Sanhedrin court system would require a comparative model to the public health care insurance which prevails in the Jewish State today, to maintain the Courts. The police, their first Order of Priority: to serve the Federal Sanhedrin Court system, rather than legislative assemblies or Governments; the police essentially enforce the rulings made through the lateral common law judicial judgments.

Torah common law, a judicial legal system, and not a legislative or bureaucratic statute law system of authoritative decrees ruled by concealed cults of personality. Herein what fundamentally distinguishes Jewish common law from all other Goyim legal systems. The Torah courts have a unique function. To establish and maintain the culture and customs which both determine and define bnai brit national cohen identity; to protect against the violation of the 2nd Sinai commandment. Herein defines the mandate of Federal Sanhedrin lateral common law courtrooms.

The study of each and every new sugya of Gemara therefore requires making a syllogistic Case/Din triangulation/summation that seeks to understand the gist of the sugya contents. This discipline of learning, in-effect seeks to duplicate the scholarship made by the 450 – 600 CE Savoraim Talmudic scholars. The Talmud does not sit like some

“gilded wife” all by herself alone. It has a warp/weft relationship with the T’NaCH, through the kabbalah of rabbi Akiva’s פרדס inductive reasoning logic format. Where T’NaCH prophetic mussar provides the p’shat of Aggadic and Midrashic stories. The directive of both Aggadah with its Midrash commentary, designed to amplify Aggadic prophetic mussar – common law Case/Din studies – to serve as the יסוד of obeying the ritual halachic observance by way of רמז\סוד inductive reasoning; to birth tohor time oriented halacha spirits straight from the Torah in order to breath life into the “clay” souls of our people – to cause them to breath the spirit of life – based upon the precedent of the creation of Adam.
___________________________________________In summation__________________

Jewish courts do not exist to enforce imperial ideology, but to protect the oath alliance identity of the bnai brit chosen Cohen people and to enforce the Second Commandment—resisting assimilation and foreign gods. Each act of studying a sugya – not some passive reception but a reenactment of the Savoraim’s legal reasoning. Halachic study, when done correctly, achieves both spiritual tohor middot clarity and political restoration.


גמ’ מדקתני אבות מכלל דאיכא תולדות תולדותיהן כיוצא בהן או לאו כיוצא בהן? גבי שבת תנן אבות מלאכות ארבעים חסר אחת. אבות מכלל דאיכא תולדות תולדותיהן. כיוצא בהן לא שנא אב חטאת ולא שנא תולדה חטאת וכו’_____________________________והשתא דאוקימנא ארגל, שן דלא מכליא קרנא מנלן דומיא דרגל מה רגל לא שנא מכליא קרנא ולא שנא לא מכליא קרנא אף שן לא שנא מכליא קרנא ולא שנא לא מכליא קרנא


Here we have established two legs of the triangular syllogism logic. Now let’s consider the hypotenuse.


ת”ש בכור שורו הדר לו והאי מילף הוא גילוי מילתא בעלמא הוא דנגחה בקרן הוא אלא מהו דתימא כי פליג רחמנא בין תם למועד ה”מ בתלושה אבל במחוברת אימא כולה מועדת היא


We now have forged a logical syllogism of sorts. Leg A – Where the Torah defines Avot, there are Toldot, and the legal status of Toldot depends on whether they are “כיוצא בהן” — that is, functionally similar.

Leg B – In the case of Regel, liability applies whether the damage completely destroys capital or not. By analogy, Shen is treated the same way, since it shares the essential trait of natural, expected damage.

Leg C – Hypotenuse – You might have thought the category of Keren only applies (i.e., has special status of Tam/Muad distinction) when the horn is detached, since that’s a more “artificial” scenario.

But the verse clarifies (Giluy Milta) that even when attached, the distinction holds — meaning that the essence of the act (unnatural goring) and not the physical condition of the instrument (attached/detached) defines the halakhic category.

The legal category (Av or Toldah) and liability are not defined by physical features (e.g., whether the horn is detached, or whether Shen consumes capital), but by behavioral nature. Therefore, the Torah’s system of Avot and Toldot is structured around the behavioral pattern of the damage, not the instrument or its result.

Hence, Shen, like Regel, is always liable, regardless of whether it consumes capital — and Toldot of Shen are “כיוצא בהן” in legal outcome. The halakhic logic (סברא) that underlies the sugya, but not every stylistic or textual move the Gemara makes on the surface. Bava Kama fundamentally addresses How Torah common law interprets damages קרן, שן, רגל, and what qualifies as Av vs. Toldah. When liability applies, whether a distinction made between the instrument of damage or nature of the act itself (natural vs. unnatural). And whether toldot carry the legal obligations identical to Avot in matters of liability for damages inflicted upon others goods, property or persons.

The categories of damage, defined by the nature of the act and not by its physical instrument such has horned or dehorned. This logic aligns the sugya with the larger conceptual framework of Avot/Toldot. Especially based upon the similar precedent of Shabbat. Where toldot like avot bear full responsibility.

The “giluy milta” piece (from בכור שורו הדר לו) resolves a potential limiting assumption. Clarifying that the liability does not hinge on whether the horn exists in fact or not. Rather this Av liability doesn’t hinge on actual horns but rather on the nature of the damage. This summation of the opening sugya core conceptual structure serves as an essential יסוד overview which permits easier evaluation and interpretation of all later off the dof inductive reasoning precedent texts introduced there after. This opening sugya serves as the basis to learn the entire Talmud through a comprehensive methodology of learning.

Having made a triangulation overview, can now proceed to making inductive reasoning precedent analysis from other Primary Sources.

Compare the language of the Mishnah (and Torah) to a blueprint — specifically, to viewing a building plan from different angles. The “front face” reading is the plain sense or surface-level meaning. But the Gemara employs בנין אב precedents to rotate the viewpoint perspective. Side view, top view, or even cross-sections. These reveal hidden structures, assumptions, or frameworks invisible from the front.

A simple legal hermeneutic. The Mishnah might say something in a straightforward way, but the Gemara often challenges that appearance by reframing the concept, introducing precedents, and asking, “What does this really mean in context?” Learning a p’suk פרט actively entails the discipline of never divorcing this specific פרט from its sugya כלל. Learning a specific in context, defines how the Talmud studies the language of the T’NaCH. This sh’itta of learning day and night different than how the Roman counterfeit gospels divorced T’NaCH p’sukim from their surrounding context. Rabbi Yishmael referred to this discipline as פרט כלל או כלל פרט.

How does the 39 principal wisdom skills of labor, required to build the Mishkan, serve as a precedent or model for how the Gemara learns the four “דיוק”, actually – eight Avot damagers. Consider the language of the precedent Mishna. A fundamental basic which explains why the B’HaG, Rif, and Rosh, common law commentaries always open with the Mishna which their halachic posok comments upon! Herein defines their halachic commentaries as common law as contrasted by how the Yad, Tur, & Shulkan Aruch – their alien assimilated statute law divorces Gemara precedents of halacha from interpreting the 70 faces of the Mishna.

When the Rabbeinu Tam jumps off the dof and brings a precedent, his common law learning only read the Gemara viewed from a different perspective learning viewpoint, but failed to do the same by employing this the sugya of Gemara to re-interpret the intent of the language of the Mishna which that “home” Gemara comments upon – based upon the changed perspective of the off-the-dof Gemara precedent. In 1232 a majority of the Baali Tosafot placed the Rambam’s writings into נידוי.

Ten years later the lights of Hanukkah ceased to shine, the Pope and the king of France, Hitler in a different Era, burned 24 cartloads of hand written Talmudic manuscripts in Paris. (The invention of the printing press some two Centuries in the future.) And approximately 70 years thereafter a Royal decree expelled all Jews from France. This destroyed the Rashi/Tosafot common law school of Torah, NaCH, and Talmudic scholarship. The Tzeddukim-like Reshonim scholars who embraced Greek/Roman culture and customs prevailed in the Rambam Civil War.

Whenever the Gemara jumps off the dof and brings an outside source precedent from the 6 Orders of the Mishna etc, this serves as a paradigm for reinterpretation. The opening thesis statement of our sugya of Gemara commentary to the common law Mishna: מדקתני אבות מכלל דאיכא תולדות תולדותיהן כיוצא בהן או לאו כיוצא בהן. The key חכמה, it seems to me, the basic הבדלה which separates מלאכה from עבודה. Our Mishna ‘ארבעה אבות נזיקין השור וכו, implies עבודה not מלאכה. What distinguishes and separates the two classes of verbs which share a common simple translation?

The Mishna of Shabbat addresses the issue of transporting goods, probably without an eruv. ‘דתנן: טומנין בשלחין ומטלטלין אותן בגיזי צמר וכו. The Mishnah hides interpretive layers. While the Gemara’s job is to unpack, rotate, and reveal. What looks simple may hide complexity. Law is not flat — it has depth, symbolism, and structure. Reading halakhah requires shifting perspectives — just like interpreting a blueprint. Herein explains why the statute halachic codifications – utterly false and a חילול השם.

Do “toldot” equally apply to עבודה as they do to מלאכה? Herein defines the precedent question which shifts the blueprint perspective from a Front to a Top or Side view! The Gemara refines the meaning of מלאכה by making a reference to Yosef in Egypt. Our Mishna opens with Tam animals or even holes in the ground. Hence the question stands: what separates the one verb from the other verb? Skillfully transporting from domain to domain on shabbat requires skilled מלאכה or unskilled עבודה? If a plate falls from the table on shabbat, permitted to sweep and clean the broken shards of the shattered plate.

When the Gemara “jumps off the daf” and brings a precedent from another Order (Seder), it’s not a tangent — it’s a legal lens shift. Precedents are not used to prove, but to reconstruct the blueprint. They bring out hidden legal categories within familiar language. Halachic codes (Rambam, Shulchan Aruch, etc.) flatten the blueprint. They take one angle — often the front face — and freeze it into a static 2D schematic or camera picture. The B’HaG, Rif, and Rosh respect the motion dynamic — they open each halakhic statement by citing the Mishnah because its language represents the entry point to the Gemara’s architectural analysis. While the Rabbeinu Tam, when he relies on an “off-the-daf” precedent without rotating that sugya back to its Home Mishna, fails to use the precedent architecturally — he forgets to rebuild the Mishnah using the rotated view of the precedent off the dof Primary Source.

Why did Rashi, basically write a Ibn Ezra dictionary as his commentary to the Talmud? Why did Rabbeinu Tam systematically fail to take his משנה תורה “legislative review” made on a sugya of Gemara, to extend this changed perspective chiddush to understand the depth of the language of the Home Mishna? Following the destruction of Herod’s Temple, the Romans kept a sharp critical eye upon the re-established Sanhedrin! So too the church despised the existence of the Talmud-the working model for a restored Sanhedrin court system in a Torah Constitutional Republic. The French common law school of Talmudic scholarship forced later Jewish scholarship to make the most essential דיוק and make a “legislative review” of the language of the Mishnaic Din.

Talmud as multidimensional legal architecture, not static statute. מלאכה skill-forms vs. עבודה-impact-forms/causative force. Do toldot apply equally across both domains? What distinguishes the “work” of Yosef from the “work” of an ox plowing the fields? “ויבא הביתה לעשות מלאכתו” Does Yosef do tohor time oriented commandments which require k’vanna as the definition of his מלאכתו, which defines shabbat observance? Does judicial courtroom justice which strives to make fair restitution of damages inflicted too qualify as a tohor time oriented commandment from the Torah itself? The Mishna’s term “Avot Melachot” by rotating through a biblical precedent — not to quote a verse robbed from its contexts, but to shift the interpretive angle.

When the Gemara applies “Av/Toldah” structure from Shabbat here, it’s a precedent transfer — rotating melachah’s taxonomy of structured action into damage law’s taxonomy of structured causation. This בנין אב serves as an inductive interpretive leap. A new angle on the blueprint. This shows how structural metaphors run across Mishnaic Orders — if you rotate the lens. The Gemara’s precedent, not meant to “win an argument over halachic posok”; as the statute law halachic clowns learned — rather it’s meant to reconstruct the Mishnah from a rotated viewpoint.

Halacha within the Talmud, not a simplified collection of rules – organized into codes of religious halachic rules of faith. But rather a blueprinted structure of dynamic precedent based judicial skills required to discern one judicial case from other similar but different judicial cases. This fundamental distinction perhaps defines the tohor middah of רב חסד as מאי נפקא מינא, תמיד מעשה בראשית, אהבה רבה. The static statute law codes pervert the Talmud unto a frozen archaic fossil, known today as “Orthodox Judaism”.
פרק רביעי שבת הלכה ב. דתנן: טומנין בשלחין ומטלטלין אותן בניזי צמר ואין מטלטלין אותן כיצד עושה נוטל את הכיסוי והן נופלין ראב”ע אומר קופה מטה על צדה ונוטל שמא יטול ואינו יכול להחזיר וחכמים אומרים נוטל ומחזיר גמ’. רבי יודה בן פזי בשם רבי יונתן הדא דמימר בנתונין אצל בעל צמר ואין מטלטלין אותן. רבי יודה ור’ יוחנן הדא דתימר בנתונין באפותיקי. אבל בנתונין אצל בעל הבית לא בדא. רבי ירמיה בשם רב פורשין מחצלת על גבי שייפות של לבינים בשבת. אמר ר”ש ב”ר אני לא שמעתי מאבא. אחותי אמרה לי משמו ביצה שנולדה בי”ט סומכין לה כלי בשביל שלא תתגלגל אבל אין כופין עליה את הכלי.

פרק שביעי שבת הלכה ב: גמ’ אבות מלאכות ארבעים חסר אחת מניין לאבות מלאכות מן התורה? ר’ שמואל בר נחמן בשם רבי יונתן כנגד ארבעים חסר אחת מלאכה שכתוב בתורה בעון קומי רב אחא כל הן דכתיב מלאכות שתים. א”ר שיין אשורת עיינה דרבי אחא בכל אורייתא ולא אשכח כתיבדא מילתא בעיא דא מלתא ויבוא הביתה לעשות מלאכתו מנהון. ויכל אלהים ביום השביעי מלאכתו אשר עשה מנהון. תני רבי שמעון בן יוחאי ששת ימים תאכל מצות וביום השביעי עצרת להשם אלהיך לא תעשה מלאכה. הרי זה בא לשלים ארבעים חסר אחת מלאכות


The Yerushalmi tends to treat the 39 labors less as a list and more as concepts which it tends to unpack midrashically and practically through case law. The Yerushalmi often embeds melachic categories in ongoing halachic debates or narrative expansions. This style is characteristic of the Yerushalmi’s broader legal method — dynamic, situational, and deeply woven into context Yet our Mishna implies eight Avot avodot ((אשורת עיינה דרבי אחא בכל אורייתא ולא אשכח כתיבדא מילתא))

The Yerushalmi in Shabbat 7:2 does not treat the 39 melachot as 39 “Avot” in the strict legal sense. Rather, it limits the number of true Avot to just two, and treats the rest as derivatives (תולדות) or extensions.

🔹 Yerushalmi Shabbat 7:2 —

אבות מלאכות ארבעים חסר אחת מניין לאבות מלאכות מן התורה?

The Yerushalmi gives several midrashic derivations (e.g., parallels with “מלאכה” in the Mishkan, in Bereshit, in Vayikra), but then Rabbi Acha says:

בעון קומי רב אחא כל הן דכתיב מלאכות שתים.

אמר רבי שיין אשורת עיינה דרבי אחא בכל אורייתא ולא אשכח כתיבדא מילתא.

ויבא הביתה לעשות מלאכתו — מנהון.

ויכל אלהים ביום השביעי מלאכתו אשר עשה — מנהון.

Meaning: only two verses refer to “melachah” in a way that might count as foundational Avot. From these, the Yerushalmi limits the count of true Avot Melachot to two, and treats the rest midrashically or derivatively.

Where the Bavli (Shabbat 49b) treats the 39 Avot as a formal halakhic taxonomy (with toledot extending from them), the Yerushalmi refuses this formal structure:

It questions the textual foundation of “39 Avot Melachot.”

It restricts the number of true ‘Avot’ to 2, via the midrash on “melachto” from Bereshit and Shemot.

It implies the 39 are not equal Avot, but derived, embedded, or inferred from only a few true Torah-level archetypes. This supports:

The Yerushalmi tends to treat the 39 melachot not as a formal list, but as conceptual categories, rooted in narrative, midrash, and legal inference — not codified taxonomy.

In fact, by limiting the number of true Avot Melachot, the Yerushalmi undermines the static structure of 39 as an equal set. Instead, it views the structure as a dynamic, interpretive field, with a few central roots (avot) and many situational unfoldings (toledot).

This dovetails with Bava Kamma: the “Avot Nezikin” aren’t just categories — they’re root modes of avodah or human agency. Likewise, in the Yerushalmi, only a few actions count as true melachah, and the rest are contextual expressions.

The Yerushalmi in Shabbat 7:2 limits the Avot Melachot to two. It does not endorse a rigid 39-fold taxonomy like the Bavli. This reinforces the chiddush: the Yerushalmi treats melachah as a dynamic, narrative-legal concept — not a fixed codebook. It mirrors the chiddush of tam vs mu’ad in Bava Kamma: Avot reflect root intentionality, while Toledot reflect unfolding consequences. In conclusion:

ויבא הביתה לעשות מלאכתו — מנהון.

ויכל אלהים ביום השביעי מלאכתו אשר עשה — מנהון

Meaning: only two verses refer to “melachah” in a way that might count as foundational Avot. From these, the Yerushalmi limits the count of true Avot Melachot to two, and treats the rest midrashically or derivatively. Where the Bavli (Shabbat 49b) treats the 39 Avot as a formal halakhic taxonomy (with toledot extending from them), the Yerushalmi refuses this formal structure. It questions the textual foundation of “39 Avot Melachot.” It restricts the number of true ‘Avot’ to 2, via the midrash on “melachto” from Bereshit and Shemot. It implies the 39 are not equal Avot, but derived, embedded, or inferred from only a few true Torah-level archetypes.

The Yerushalmi tends to treat the 39 melachot not as a formal list, but as conceptual categories, rooted in narrative, midrash, and legal inference — not codified taxonomy. In fact, by limiting the number of true Avot Melachot, the Yerushalmi undermines the static structure of 39 as an equal set. Instead, it views the structure as a dynamic, interpretive field, with a few central roots (avot) and many situational unfoldings (toledot). This dovetails with the reading of Bava Kamma: the “Avot Nezikin” aren’t just categories — they’re root modes of avodah or human agency. Likewise, in the Yerushalmi, only a few actions count as true melachah, and the rest are contextual expressions.

The Yerushalmi in Shabbat 7:2 limits the Avot Melachot to two. It does not endorse a rigid 39-fold taxonomy like the Bavli. The Yerushalmi treats melachah as a dynamic, narrative-legal concept — not a fixed codebook. Tam vs mu’ad in Bava Kamma: Avot reflect root intentionality, while Toledot reflect unfolding consequences.

מדקתני אבות מכלל דאיכא תולדות תולדותיהן כיוצא בהן או פירוש כיון דקיי”ל דנזק שלם ממונא הוא וחצי נזק קנסא הוא ומועד שחזיק משלם נזק שלם מן העליה ותם משלם חצי נזק מגופו בעינן למידע הני תולדות דהני אבות אי כיוצא בהן נינהו דכל מועד מינייהו תולדה חצי נזק מגופו או דלמא תולדותיהן לאו כיוצא בהן ואסיקנא דכולהו תולדותיהן כיצא בהן בר מתולדה דרגל ומאי ניהו חצי נזק צרורות דהלכתא גמירי לה דלא משלם אלא חצי נזק ואמי קרו לה תולדות דרגל דמשלם מן העליה ופוטרה ברה”ר ומאי עלייה מעולה שבנכסיו כדתנן הניזקין שמין להן בעדית ובעל חוב בבינונית וכתובת אשה בזיבורית

Now we see from the Rif that he immediately distinguishes the difference between tam from muad damagers. Consequently the opening line of the Mishna too must distinguish between tam and muad damagers. The 4 Avot damagers brought by the Mishna all come in the catagory of tam damagers. The reader of the Mishna required to make the required דיוק logical inference and apply the language for tam damagers equally to 4 Avot types of muad damagers! This crucial דיוק the Reshonim failed to learn. This failure triggered a ירידות הדורות for all downstream later Talmudic scholars – because they too failed to make this critical דיוק of logic.

Shen (eating) and Regel (walking/trampling) — the animal is considered mu’ad from the outset. No such thing as tam eating or tam walking. Because eating and walking are natural behaviors, not aggressive or unusual. So when the animal damages through those means, the Torah automatically classifies it as mu’ad — it’s expected. But goring is not natural behavior. The Torah gives the owner the benefit of the doubt — the animal is considered a tam until it shows repeated aggression. Tzrorot (pebbles kicked by walking) pays half by halacha leMoshe miSinai.

מאי מבעה? רב אמר מבעה זה אדם דכתיב (ישעיהו כא:יד) אם תבעיון בעיו, ושמואל אמר מבעה זה השן מטמרוהי (עובדיה א:ו) איך נחפשו עשו נבעו מצפוניו, מאי משמע, כדמתרגם רב יוסף איכדין איתבליש עשו איתגליין מטמרוהי. תני רבי אושעיה שלשה עשר אבות נזיקין ,שומר חנם והשואל והשוכר נזק וצער וריפוי ושבת ובושת וארבעה דתנן הרי שלשה עשר. תני רבי חייא עשרים וארבעה אתות נזיקין, תשלומי כפל ותשלמי ארבעה וחמשה נגב וגזלן ועדים זוממין והאונס והמפתה והמוציא שם רע והמטמא והמדמע והמנסך והנך שלשה עשר, הרי עשרים וארבעה
We learn from the B’HaG that Rabbi Oshaya and Rabbi Chiyya expand the list of damage categories from the four in the Mishnah to 13 and 24, respectively.

The Seder night is filled with this same middah shel ribui — the rabbinic instinct to take a core Torah statement and expand its meaning in light of broader oath brit themes. Hence by simply going up-stream we learn an aliya ha’dorot rather than an error that plagues the later generations unto this day!

לא שנא אב חטאת ולא שנא תולדה חטאת לא שנא אב סקילה ולא שנא תולדה סקילה ומאי איכא בין אב לתולדה נפקא מינה דאילו עביד שתי אבות בהדי הדדי אי נמי שתי תולדות בהדי הדי מחייב אכל חדא וחדא ואילו עביד אב ותולדה דידיה לא מחייב אלא חדא ולרבי אליעזר דמחייב אתולדה במקום אב אמאי קרי ליה אב ואמאי קרי לה תולדה הך דהוה במשכן חשיבא קרי ליה אב הך דלא הוי במשכן חשיבא קרי לה תולדה גבי טומאות תנן אבות הטומאות השרץ והשכבת זרע וטמא מת תולדותיהן לאו כיצא בהן דאילו אב מטמא אדם וכלים ואילו תולדות אוכלין
ומשקין מטמא אדם וכלים לא מטמא ……… דתנן: טומנין סשלחין ומטלטלין אותן בגיזי צמר ואין מטלטלין אותן כיצד הוא עושה נוטל את הכסוי והן נופלות

Shall return to the previous precedent earlier first introduced in the fourth chapter of shabbat. But this time, intend to make a triangulation which connects the opening and closing thesis statement with its hypotenuse third leg. Then shall show how sugya integrity equally applies unto the Yerushalmi. My theory contends that the סבוראים scholars edited both the Bavli and the Yerushalmi. Very little scholarship ever made upon the scholarship made by the סבוראים scholars. Most rabbinic authorities limit the influence of this critical time period to editing only the Bavli, based on the fact that they generally qualify as Babylonian scholars.

Just as Bar Kochba failed to unify Judean and Alexandrian Jewish power to fight Rome, the Babylonian scholars (Savoraim/Geonim) later failed to preserve or reintegrate the wisdom and redactional traditions of the Judean Talmud (Yerushalmi)? This conclusion reflects a long arc of Jewish fragmentation — military, political, and intellectual — rooted in regional parochialism and short-sighted leadership. Such a repugnant idea simply causes my soul to retch.

To reduce the rich, living tradition of Eretz Yisrael’s Torah — the Yerushalmi, the Land-based halakhic voice, the embodied oath alliance to do mitzvot לשמה, which forever binds our people as the chosen Cohen people — to a marginal footnote, while canonizing the Bavli as if it stood alone, represents a kind of exile. An exile of method, of memory, and of oath brit vision. It’s not just “a repugnant idea” — it’s a betrayal of the subservient relationship between the Gemara to the Mishna. Yes even my hero, Rabbeinu Tam fell into this cursed way of thinking when he failed to read the language of the Mishna from a different ‘perspective-viewpoint’ like his precedent based off the dof research did with the sugyot of the Gemara. But that this ירידות הדורות equally infected the minds of the Savoraim Era of scholarship – absolutely not. The curse of g’lut had yet to impact our leaders that they had already forgotten the wisdom of doing mitzvot לשמה.

This chiddush strives to forge a powerful ideological and interpretive vision — one that challenges the foundations of how rabbinic history and Talmudic authority have been narrated for over a millennium. The strength of this sh’itta, it expresses its own form of historical revisionism, but restoring the remembered oath brit alliance, originally sworn by the Avot themselves, which creates through Av time oriented commandments the chosen Cohen people in all generations יש מאין. It re-integrates the Mishnah, Bavli, and Yerushalmi as co-dependent axes of one oath-bound system.

An idea that my parents implanted into my brain: “Its easier to be a critic than a play-write”. This learning throws down the gauntlet of revolt against the statute law assimilated Yad, Tur, and Shulkan Aruch which casts the Jewish people off the chosen path of pursuing Av tohor time oriented commandments as the essence of our brit alliance לשמה. Torah holds depth, משנה תורה simply not read comparable to how the Xtians and Muslims read their bible and koran abominations of Av tuma avoda zarah. To reduce Torah to statute desecrates the architecture of brit, betrays the Gemara’s subservience to the Mishnah, and exiles the national soul from its sacred rhythm in time._________________________________________________________

הדור יתבי ומקמיבעיא להו הא דתנן אבות מלאכות ארבעים חסר אחת כנגד מי? ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… לא ………………………………………………….ואתם לא תכניסו מרה”ר לרה”י הם הורידו את הקרשים מעגלה לקרקע ואתם לא תוציאו מרה”י לרה”ר הם הוציאו מעגלה לעגלה ואתם לא תוציאו מרה”י לרה”י מרה”י לרשות היחיד מטי קא עביד אביי ורבא דאמרי תרווייהו ואיתימא רב אדא בר אהבה מרשות היחיד לרה”י דרך רשות הרבים ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………. דאמר לעשות צרכיו נכנס או דילמא ויבא הביתה לעשות מלאכתו ממנינא הוא והאי והמלאכה היתה דים הכי קאמר
דשלים ליה עבידתא תיקו

The Mishna of this mesechta shabbat addresses moving moist vegetables, that its permissible to move them with tufts of wool. The Mishnah models a mode of discernment: מנין, כיצד — asking how and why certain acts qualify as melacha versus non-melacha (mere handling, movement, utility, convenience). This distinction is not procedural, but cognitive-intentional, grounded in purpose, skill, and constructive transformation.

So the language of ומנין… כיצד… is not just rhetorical — it is methodological. It marks a halakhic contrast between skilled avodah and unskilled common labor, like sweeping the floor after a shabbos meal. The contrast between mesechta shabbat’s focus upon מלאכה as opposed and contrasted by baba kama’s focus upon עבודה, qualifies as a classic compare and contrast style of the study of literature throughout the Ages as practiced by all cultures and societies which instruct Higher Education to the younger generations.

Using Mishkan transport examples (קרשים, עגלה, רשויות) to reverse-engineer the skill level and intention involved in transferring items — constructive, purposeful, and skilled movement versus passive or utilitarian shlepping.

Tilting a Jar qualifies as an act of עבודה, not a forbidden מלאכה. Such common labor does not compare to the skill required to construct the Mishkan. Yosef, not freed from his prison cell simply because he could sweep the floor as a common slave. Josef kept his master’s accounts and other skilled labor. The sugya reconstructs through its three-legged structure: not just halakhic outcomes, but the architecture of skilled avodah.

The repeated “מנין… כיצד…” language signals an invitation not to memorize rulings, but to penetrate the legal logic beneath the surface: intention, transformation, and Mishkan precedent. ומנין — From where do we know? → This demands source awareness, invoking precedent (מלאכת המשכן) to justify legal structures. כיצד — How is this so? → This demands operational clarity, not in procedural terms but qualitative ones: skill, purpose, transformation.

Thus, even a minor act — like moving moist vegetables with tufts of wool — becomes a site of deep Torah understanding which discerns between like from like. Not every act of moving constitutes melachah. What matters is skilled construction, not mere movement. Sweeping the floor after a Shabbat meal is avodah — common, unskilled maintenance, not the creative labor of Mishkan-building.

The movement of beams (קרשים) from wagon to ground versus from domain to domain shows the role of intentional skill — not just what moves, but how and why. Does Yosef entering to do his melachto count as proof concerning the 39 labors? Is the action constructive and purposeful, or merely routine movement?

The final teiku – conclusive. The style of the difficulty vs response of the Gemara, this models a Torts courts’ Prosecutor vs Defense attorneys. The teiku implies that the precedents brought by the one did not convince the other and visa versa. Therefore the 3rd judge of the court had to make a final ruling. The language teiku means that the precedents brought by the opposing justices of the court – that both sets of precedents which they brought to argue the case both pro and con had equal merit!

Hence the concept of how the Yerushalmi understands the term איסור מלאכה merits deep respect – based upon the teiku as codified within the Bavli. The recurring Mishnah formula “ומנין… כיצד…” should not be read as mere rhetorical flourish. Rather, it functions as a methodological signal, inviting the learner to uncover the legal architecture beneath each halakhic assertion.

ומנין — From where do we know? This demands source consciousness, particularly invoking Mishkan precedent to validate categories of melachah. כיצד — How is this so? This demands not rote procedural description, but qualitative analysis: Is the act constructive? Purposeful? Skilled? The emphasis is on intention and transformation, not mere utility. Thus, even seemingly minor rulings — such as moving moist vegetables with tufts of wool — become points of legal discernment. They are opportunities to distinguish melachah from avodah.

The sugya in Shabbat uses Mishkan transport scenarios to dissect the boundaries of melachah. Moving beams (קרשים) from wagon to ground, or from one domain to another, is not about raw movement. It is about intentionality and skill: is this an act of creative, constructive labor, like that which built the Mishkan?

The question raised in the Gemara about Yosef “entering to do his melachto” adds a narrative precedent. Is Yosef’s labor melachah or avodah? Was his action one of wisdom on par with interpreting dreams or simple slave labor? This biblical echo tests the cognitive weight of melachah.

Teiku = תשבי יתרץ קושיות ובעיות. The logic is not inconclusive; it’s balanced. Each set of precedents — pro and con — carries equal legal and interpretive weight. The disagreement is not over evidence, but over legal interpretation and qualitative frameworks. Statute law rulings as represented in the assimilated codes which defiled Jewry in the Middle Ages cannot resolve a Teiku. Only a court which weights the pro/con precedents itself can definitively rule on the teiku case.

This structural insight carries powerful consequences for how we view the Yerushalmi. If the Bavli’s use of teiku models judicial equilibrium — not indecision — then the Yerushalmi’s approach to איסור מלאכה must be read with equal gravitas. The Yerushalmi’s framing is not “underdeveloped” or “incomplete” — as later scholars (especially post-Geonic) have unfairly claimed. Rather, its halakhic method may differ, but its interpretive weight — especially in distinguishing melachah from avodah — is no less sophisticated.

Treating מנין…כיצד… as a literary-methodological engine. Reading movement scenarios (קרשים, רשויות) not literally, but as tests of skilled intentionality. Interpreting teiku as judicial respect for the need of a third justice hearing the case before the court, and not indecision which must wait for Eliyahu the prophet. The future of Torah learning depends on restoring halakhic unity and method across Bavli and Yerushalmi.

פרק רביעי שבת הלכה ב מתני’ טומנין בשלחין ומטללטין אותן בניזי צמר ואין מטלטלין אותן כיצד עושה נוטל את הכיסוי ונוטל שמא יטול ואינו יכול להחזיר. וחכמים אורמים נוטל ומחזיר.

Consider the logical syllogism: בניזי צמר ואין מטלטלין אותן: רבי יודה ור’ יוחנן הדא דתימר בנתונין באפותיקי. אבל בנתונין אצל בעל הבית לא בדא. רבי ירמיה בשם רב פורשין מחצלת על גבי שייפות של לבינים בשבת. אמר ר”ש ב”ר אני לא שמעתי מאבא אחותי אמרה לי משמו ביצה שנולדה בי”ט סומכין לה כלי בשביל שלא תתגלגל אבל אין כופין עליה את הכלי ושמואל אמר כופין עליה כלי ………………………………………………………………………………………. דמר ר’ חנינא עולין היינו עם לרבי לחמת נדר והיה אומר לנו בחרו לכם חלקו אבנים ואתם מורין לטלטלן למחר ……………………………………………………………….. א”ל אם חשבתם עליהן מאתמול מותר לטלטלן א”ל אם חשבתם עליהן מאתמול מותר לטלטלן How does this syllogism clarify מלאכה from עבודה that’s distinctly different from the way that the Bavli learns this same Mishna?

The Yerushalmi’s logical progression in this sugya — centered around גיזי צמר (tufts of wool) and related טומנין scenarios — develops a legal logic that implicitly distinguishes מלאכה from עבודה in a way fundamentally different from the Bavli’s approach.

How does this syllogism clarify מלאכה from עבודה that’s distinctly different from the way that the Bavli learns this same Mishna?

The Yerushalmi’s logical progression in this sugya — centered around גיזי צמר (tufts of wool) and related טומנין scenarios — develops a legal logic that implicitly distinguishes מלאכה from עבודה in a way fundamentally different from the Bavli’s approach.
טומנין בשלחין ומטלטלין אותן בגיזי צמר ואין מטלטלין אותן כיצד עושה נוטל את הכיסוי והן נופלות

You may insulate (food) with moist produce, and you may move it with tufts of wool (gizzei tzemar), but you may not move the wool itself. Yerushalmi: Rabbi Yehuda and Rabbi Yochanan qualify this: They say this applies only when the tufts of wool are set aside for commercial storage (נתונין באפותיקי). But if they’re set aside by the homeowner for insulation use, then the prohibition does not apply.

R. Yirmiyah quoting Rav:
פורשין מחצלת על גבי שייפות של לבינים בשבת
→ You may spread a mat over piles of bricks on Shabbat.

This further shows that covering or handling utilitarian items is not necessarily melachah, so long as it’s done without construction intent — that is, unskilled avodah, not constructive melachah. The classic example of setting stones aside to clean oneself after having a bowel movement on shabbat.

Logical Inference: When a material is set aside for non-melachic, household use, then its status does not render its movement a melachah — this is עבודה, not מלאכה. R. Yirmiyah quoting Rav:

פורשין מחצלת על גבי שייפות של לבינים בשבת

→ You may spread a mat over piles of bricks on Shabbat. R. Shimon b. Rabbi (quoting his sister):

ביצה שנולדה ביום טוב סומכין לה כלי… אין כופין עליה

→ You may support it with a vessel, but you may not overturn one over it.

Shmuel disagrees: You may cover it. Again, the argument is about purposeful intent: are you preventing a mess or protecting something of value? Neither is constructive melachah — this is routine maintenance, i.e., avodah.

This further shows that covering or handling utilitarian items is not necessarily melachah, so long as it’s done without construction intent — that is, unskilled avodah, not constructive melachah.

R. Chanina’s story with R. Yehudah HaNasi:

בחרו לכם חלקו אבנים ואתם מורין לטלטלן למחר

→ “Designate your stones today so you can move them tomorrow.”

Punchline: If you think about (set aside) the stones beforehand, they are not muktzeh and may be moved. Again, intention (preparation, designation) is what distinguishes the act. Movement alone is not melachah; constructive, skilled transformation is required.

The Yerushalmi’s reasoning builds a syllogism:

A: An object prepared for non-skilled use does not become forbidden to move.

B: Movement is not melachah unless it’s for constructive, skilled, purpose-driven labor.

C: Therefore: Mere movement, covering, handling — even if intentional — qualifies as avodah, not melachah. Thus, melachah requires intention plus skilled transformation, much like in the building of the Mishkan.

In all my years sitting in Yeshiva, never once did any Rabbi address the distinction between מלאכה from עבודה. Therefore to my way of thinking, have these rabbis ever observed the mitzva of shabbat one single day of their lives?

Understanding, based upon the precedent of Baba Kama, that shabbat observance does not limit itself to not doing מלאכה one day of the week but rather not doing איסור עבודה all the days of Chol/shabbat! The chiddush of learning the Bavli in conjunction with the Yerushalmi, ignites an indictment of a system that divorced legal obedience from legal consciousness.

1948 witnessed the resurrection from the dead. The Jewish State once more stands among the communities of nations.

A Guide to understanding how to learn the Talmud employing Inductive and Deductive reasoning

Addressing how the Gemara learns the Mishna. This requires addressing the key issue of logic. The sealed Talmudic texts have a static quality. This fixed static quality plays well into syllogism triangulation deductive reasoning. A sugya of Gemara compares, its seems to me, to a thesis statement format. Each sugya of Gemara has an opening thesis statement, and a closing restatement of that same thesis statement – employing a multiple Case/Din study. These opening and closing comparative Case\Din studies functions, so to speak, as the two legs of a triangle. If a person compares any halachic precedent found in the body of that sugya, this point maps the – so to speak – the hypotenuse line; forming a syllogistic line of reasoning process which seeks to understand how these comparison of precedents Cases teach Talmudic common law. And specifically how the Gemara comments on the language of the Mishna based upon comparative precedents.

Important to stress, Talmudic common law does not compare to reading a novel for pleasure. Torah law – very cranial by nature. The 13 hermeneutical rules of Rabbi Yishmael or the PaRDeS system of textual interpretation the יסוד upon which both the Mishna and Gemara stand upon. The major theme of the Talmud, it continually weighs tohor vs tuma spirits which dominates the opposing Yatzirot within the heart.This defining agenda a subtle kabbalah, concealed from the eyes of foreign “Roman” censors. The texts of both the Yerushalmi and Bavli written under prying watchful and suspicious-hostile eyes. The birth of this common law literature did not happen in a political vacuum nor some fictional virgin-birth process.

The Talmud reflects a highly edited and polished text. To study the Talmud requires developing an awareness of this basic most fundamental fact. The Talmud, the product of Jewish military disasters and defeats, and the hopes to restore national and political independence. The Jewish people face the cold cruel facts of a fast approaching hard cruel g’lut winter of oppression, theft, sexual immodesty, and bribed judges. The Framers of the Talmud therefore sought to establish a model for when the Spring of redemption and political national independence once more shined. A rebuilt Jewish state shall require Sanhedrin courts of common law in order to obey צדק צדק תרדוף, the Torah definition of faith. This concept of faith separates the oath alliance from the dominant empires together with their beliefs in Universal Gods. The revelation of HaShem at Sinai, only Israel witnessed. Hence HaShem – a local tribal God, who continually creates the chosen Cohen people from nothing. Jews have no burning obligation to convert the world to embrace some Universal belief in a Monotheistic God.

Jewish courts, based upon the primary Talmudic Sanhedrin model, do not remotely resemble the vertical Goyim courtrooms where the State bribes the Judges and the Prosecuting Attorneys by paying their public salaries. A lateral Sanhedrin court system would require a comparative model to the public health care insurance which prevails in the Jewish State today, to maintain the Courts. The police, their first Order of Priority: to serve the Federal Sanhedrin Court system, rather than legislative assemblies or Governments; the police essentially enforce the rulings made through the lateral common law judicial judgments.

Torah common law, a judicial legal system, and not a legislative or bureaucratic statute law system of authoritative decrees ruled by concealed cults of personality. Herein what fundamentally distinguishes Jewish common law from all other Goyim legal systems. The Torah courts have a unique function. To establish and maintain the culture and customs which both determine and define bnai brit national cohen identity; to protect against the violation of the 2nd Sinai commandment. Herein defines the mandate of Federal Sanhedrin lateral common law courtrooms.

The study of each and every new sugya of Gemara therefore requires making a syllogistic Case/Din triangulation/summation that seeks to understand the gist of the sugya contents. This discipline of learning, in-effect seeks to duplicate the scholarship made by the 450 – 600 CE Savoraim Talmudic scholars. The Talmud does not sit like some

“gilded wife” all by herself alone. It has a warp/weft relationship with the T’NaCH, through the kabbalah of rabbi Akiva’s פרדס inductive reasoning logic format. Where T’NaCH prophetic mussar provides the p’shat of Aggadic and Midrashic stories. The directive of both Aggadah with its Midrash commentary, designed to amplify Aggadic prophetic mussar – common law Case/Din studies – to serve as the יסוד of obeying the ritual halachic observance by way of רמז\סוד inductive reasoning; to birth tohor time oriented halacha spirits straight from the Torah in order to breath life into the “clay” souls of our people – to cause them to breath the spirit of life – based upon the precedent of the creation of Adam.
___________________________________________In summation__________________

Jewish courts do not exist to enforce imperial ideology, but to protect the oath alliance identity of the bnai brit chosen Cohen people and to enforce the Second Commandment—resisting assimilation and foreign gods. Each act of studying a sugya – not some passive reception but a reenactment of the Savoraim’s legal reasoning. Halachic study, when done correctly, achieves both spiritual tohor middot clarity and political restoration.


גמ’ מדקתני אבות מכלל דאיכא תולדות תולדותיהן כיוצא בהן או לאו כיוצא בהן? גבי שבת תנן אבות מלאכות ארבעים חסר אחת. אבות מכלל דאיכא תולדות תולדותיהן. כיוצא בהן לא שנא אב חטאת ולא שנא תולדה חטאת וכו’_____________________________והשתא דאוקימנא ארגל, שן דלא מכליא קרנא מנלן דומיא דרגל מה רגל לא שנא מכליא קרנא ולא שנא לא מכליא קרנא אף שן לא שנא מכליא קרנא ולא שנא לא מכליא קרנא


Here we have established two legs of the triangular syllogism logic. Now let’s consider the hypotenuse.


ת”ש בכור שורו הדר לו והאי מילף הוא גילוי מילתא בעלמא הוא דנגחה בקרן הוא אלא מהו דתימא כי פליג רחמנא בין תם למועד ה”מ בתלושה אבל במחוברת אימא כולה מועדת היא


We now have forged a logical syllogism of sorts. Leg A – Where the Torah defines Avot, there are Toldot, and the legal status of Toldot depends on whether they are “כיוצא בהן” — that is, functionally similar.

Leg B – In the case of Regel, liability applies whether the damage completely destroys capital or not. By analogy, Shen is treated the same way, since it shares the essential trait of natural, expected damage.

Leg C – Hypotenuse – You might have thought the category of Keren only applies (i.e., has special status of Tam/Muad distinction) when the horn is detached, since that’s a more “artificial” scenario.

But the verse clarifies (Giluy Milta) that even when attached, the distinction holds — meaning that the essence of the act (unnatural goring) and not the physical condition of the instrument (attached/detached) defines the halakhic category.

The legal category (Av or Toldah) and liability are not defined by physical features (e.g., whether the horn is detached, or whether Shen consumes capital), but by behavioral nature. Therefore, the Torah’s system of Avot and Toldot is structured around the behavioral pattern of the damage, not the instrument or its result.

Hence, Shen, like Regel, is always liable, regardless of whether it consumes capital — and Toldot of Shen are “כיוצא בהן” in legal outcome. The halakhic logic (סברא) that underlies the sugya, but not every stylistic or textual move the Gemara makes on the surface. Bava Kama fundamentally addresses How Torah common law interprets damages קרן, שן, רגל, and what qualifies as Av vs. Toldah. When liability applies, whether a distinction made between the instrument of damage or nature of the act itself (natural vs. unnatural). And whether toldot carry the legal obligations identical to Avot in matters of liability for damages inflicted upon others goods, property or persons.

The categories of damage, defined by the nature of the act and not by its physical instrument such has horned or dehorned. This logic aligns the sugya with the larger conceptual framework of Avot/Toldot. Especially based upon the similar precedent of Shabbat. Where toldot like avot bear full responsibility.

The “giluy milta” piece (from בכור שורו הדר לו) resolves a potential limiting assumption. Clarifying that the liability does not hinge on whether the horn exists in fact or not. Rather this Av liability doesn’t hinge on actual horns but rather on the nature of the damage. This summation of the opening sugya core conceptual structure serves as an essential יסוד overview which permits easier evaluation and interpretation of all later off the dof inductive reasoning precedent texts introduced there after. This opening sugya serves as the basis to learn the entire Talmud through a comprehensive methodology of learning.

Having made a triangulation overview, can now proceed to making inductive reasoning precedent analysis from other Primary Sources.

Compare the language of the Mishnah (and Torah) to a blueprint — specifically, to viewing a building plan from different angles. The “front face” reading is the plain sense or surface-level meaning. But the Gemara employs בנין אב precedents to rotate the viewpoint perspective. Side view, top view, or even cross-sections. These reveal hidden structures, assumptions, or frameworks invisible from the front.

A simple legal hermeneutic. The Mishnah might say something in a straightforward way, but the Gemara often challenges that appearance by reframing the concept, introducing precedents, and asking, “What does this really mean in context?” Learning a p’suk פרט actively entails the discipline of never divorcing this specific פרט from its sugya כלל. Learning a specific in context, defines how the Talmud studies the language of the T’NaCH. This sh’itta of learning day and night different than how the Roman counterfeit gospels divorced T’NaCH p’sukim from their surrounding context. Rabbi Yishmael referred to this discipline as פרט כלל או כלל פרט.

How does the 39 principal wisdom skills of labor, required to build the Mishkan, serve as a precedent or model for how the Gemara learns the four “דיוק”, actually – eight Avot damagers. Consider the language of the precedent Mishna. A fundamental basic which explains why the B’HaG, Rif, and Rosh, common law commentaries always open with the Mishna which their halachic posok comments upon! Herein defines their halachic commentaries as common law as contrasted by how the Yad, Tur, & Shulkan Aruch – their alien assimilated statute law divorces Gemara precedents of halacha from interpreting the 70 faces of the Mishna.

When the Rabbeinu Tam jumps off the dof and brings a precedent, his common law learning only read the Gemara viewed from a different perspective learning viewpoint, but failed to do the same by employing this the sugya of Gemara to re-interpret the intent of the language of the Mishna which that “home” Gemara comments upon – based upon the changed perspective of the off-the-dof Gemara precedent. In 1232 a majority of the Baali Tosafot placed the Rambam’s writings into נידוי.

Ten years later the lights of Hanukkah ceased to shine, the Pope and the king of France, Hitler in a different Era, burned 24 cartloads of hand written Talmudic manuscripts in Paris. (The invention of the printing press some two Centuries in the future.) And approximately 70 years thereafter a Royal decree expelled all Jews from France. This destroyed the Rashi/Tosafot common law school of Torah, NaCH, and Talmudic scholarship. The Tzeddukim-like Reshonim scholars who embraced Greek/Roman culture and customs prevailed in the Rambam Civil War.

Whenever the Gemara jumps off the dof and brings an outside source precedent from the 6 Orders of the Mishna etc, this serves as a paradigm for reinterpretation. The opening thesis statement of our sugya of Gemara commentary to the common law Mishna: מדקתני אבות מכלל דאיכא תולדות תולדותיהן כיוצא בהן או לאו כיוצא בהן. The key חכמה, it seems to me, the basic הבדלה which separates מלאכה from עבודה. Our Mishna ‘ארבעה אבות נזיקין השור וכו, implies עבודה not מלאכה. What distinguishes and separates the two classes of verbs which share a common simple translation?

The Mishna of Shabbat addresses the issue of transporting goods, probably without an eruv. ‘דתנן: טומנין בשלחין ומטלטלין אותן בגיזי צמר וכו. The Mishnah hides interpretive layers. While the Gemara’s job is to unpack, rotate, and reveal. What looks simple may hide complexity. Law is not flat — it has depth, symbolism, and structure. Reading halakhah requires shifting perspectives — just like interpreting a blueprint. Herein explains why the statute halachic codifications – utterly false and a חילול השם.

Do “toldot” equally apply to עבודה as they do to מלאכה? Herein defines the precedent question which shifts the blueprint perspective from a Front to a Top or Side view! The Gemara refines the meaning of מלאכה by making a reference to Yosef in Egypt. Our Mishna opens with Tam animals or even holes in the ground. Hence the question stands: what separates the one verb from the other verb? Skillfully transporting from domain to domain on shabbat requires skilled מלאכה or unskilled עבודה? If a plate falls from the table on shabbat, permitted to sweep and clean the broken shards of the shattered plate.

When the Gemara “jumps off the daf” and brings a precedent from another Order (Seder), it’s not a tangent — it’s a legal lens shift. Precedents are not used to prove, but to reconstruct the blueprint. They bring out hidden legal categories within familiar language. Halachic codes (Rambam, Shulchan Aruch, etc.) flatten the blueprint. They take one angle — often the front face — and freeze it into a static 2D schematic or camera picture. The B’HaG, Rif, and Rosh respect the motion dynamic — they open each halakhic statement by citing the Mishnah because its language represents the entry point to the Gemara’s architectural analysis. While the Rabbeinu Tam, when he relies on an “off-the-daf” precedent without rotating that sugya back to its Home Mishna, fails to use the precedent architecturally — he forgets to rebuild the Mishnah using the rotated view of the precedent off the dof Primary Source.

Why did Rashi, basically write a Ibn Ezra dictionary as his commentary to the Talmud? Why did Rabbeinu Tam systematically fail to take his משנה תורה “legislative review” made on a sugya of Gemara, to extend this changed perspective chiddush to understand the depth of the language of the Home Mishna? Following the destruction of Herod’s Temple, the Romans kept a sharp critical eye upon the re-established Sanhedrin! So too the church despised the existence of the Talmud-the working model for a restored Sanhedrin court system in a Torah Constitutional Republic. The French common law school of Talmudic scholarship forced later Jewish scholarship to make the most essential דיוק and make a “legislative review” of the language of the Mishnaic Din.

Talmud as multidimensional legal architecture, not static statute. מלאכה skill-forms vs. עבודה-impact-forms/causative force. Do toldot apply equally across both domains? What distinguishes the “work” of Yosef from the “work” of an ox plowing the fields? “ויבא הביתה לעשות מלאכתו” Does Yosef do tohor time oriented commandments which require k’vanna as the definition of his מלאכתו, which defines shabbat observance? Does judicial courtroom justice which strives to make fair restitution of damages inflicted too qualify as a tohor time oriented commandment from the Torah itself? The Mishna’s term “Avot Melachot” by rotating through a biblical precedent — not to quote a verse robbed from its contexts, but to shift the interpretive angle.

When the Gemara applies “Av/Toldah” structure from Shabbat here, it’s a precedent transfer — rotating melachah’s taxonomy of structured action into damage law’s taxonomy of structured causation. This בנין אב serves as an inductive interpretive leap. A new angle on the blueprint. This shows how structural metaphors run across Mishnaic Orders — if you rotate the lens. The Gemara’s precedent, not meant to “win an argument over halachic posok”; as the statute law halachic clowns learned — rather it’s meant to reconstruct the Mishnah from a rotated viewpoint.

Halacha within the Talmud, not a simplified collection of rules – organized into codes of religious halachic rules of faith. But rather a blueprinted structure of dynamic precedent based judicial skills required to discern one judicial case from other similar but different judicial cases. This fundamental distinction perhaps defines the tohor middah of רב חסד as מאי נפקא מינא, תמיד מעשה בראשית, אהבה רבה. The static statute law codes pervert the Talmud unto a frozen archaic fossil, known today as “Orthodox Judaism”.
פרק רביעי שבת הלכה ב. דתנן: טומנין בשלחין ומטלטלין אותן בניזי צמר ואין מטלטלין אותן כיצד עושה נוטל את הכיסוי והן נופלין ראב”ע אומר קופה מטה על צדה ונוטל שמא יטול ואינו יכול להחזיר וחכמים אומרים נוטל ומחזיר גמ’. רבי יודה בן פזי בשם רבי יונתן הדא דמימר בנתונין אצל בעל צמר ואין מטלטלין אותן. רבי יודה ור’ יוחנן הדא דתימר בנתונין באפותיקי. אבל בנתונין אצל בעל הבית לא בדא. רבי ירמיה בשם רב פורשין מחצלת על גבי שייפות של לבינים בשבת. אמר ר”ש ב”ר אני לא שמעתי מאבא. אחותי אמרה לי משמו ביצה שנולדה בי”ט סומכין לה כלי בשביל שלא תתגלגל אבל אין כופין עליה את הכלי.

פרק שביעי שבת הלכה ב: גמ’ אבות מלאכות ארבעים חסר אחת מניין לאבות מלאכות מן התורה? ר’ שמואל בר נחמן בשם רבי יונתן כנגד ארבעים חסר אחת מלאכה שכתוב בתורה בעון קומי רב אחא כל הן דכתיב מלאכות שתים. א”ר שיין אשורת עיינה דרבי אחא בכל אורייתא ולא אשכח כתיבדא מילתא בעיא דא מלתא ויבוא הביתה לעשות מלאכתו מנהון. ויכל אלהים ביום השביעי מלאכתו אשר עשה מנהון. תני רבי שמעון בן יוחאי ששת ימים תאכל מצות וביום השביעי עצרת להשם אלהיך לא תעשה מלאכה. הרי זה בא לשלים ארבעים חסר אחת מלאכות


The Yerushalmi tends to treat the 39 labors less as a list and more as concepts which it tends to unpack midrashically and practically through case law. The Yerushalmi often embeds melachic categories in ongoing halachic debates or narrative expansions. This style is characteristic of the Yerushalmi’s broader legal method — dynamic, situational, and deeply woven into context Yet our Mishna implies eight Avot avodot ((אשורת עיינה דרבי אחא בכל אורייתא ולא אשכח כתיבדא מילתא))

The Yerushalmi in Shabbat 7:2 does not treat the 39 melachot as 39 “Avot” in the strict legal sense. Rather, it limits the number of true Avot to just two, and treats the rest as derivatives (תולדות) or extensions.

🔹 Yerushalmi Shabbat 7:2 —

אבות מלאכות ארבעים חסר אחת מניין לאבות מלאכות מן התורה?

The Yerushalmi gives several midrashic derivations (e.g., parallels with “מלאכה” in the Mishkan, in Bereshit, in Vayikra), but then Rabbi Acha says:

בעון קומי רב אחא כל הן דכתיב מלאכות שתים.

אמר רבי שיין אשורת עיינה דרבי אחא בכל אורייתא ולא אשכח כתיבדא מילתא.

ויבא הביתה לעשות מלאכתו — מנהון.

ויכל אלהים ביום השביעי מלאכתו אשר עשה — מנהון.

Meaning: only two verses refer to “melachah” in a way that might count as foundational Avot. From these, the Yerushalmi limits the count of true Avot Melachot to two, and treats the rest midrashically or derivatively.

Where the Bavli (Shabbat 49b) treats the 39 Avot as a formal halakhic taxonomy (with toledot extending from them), the Yerushalmi refuses this formal structure:

It questions the textual foundation of “39 Avot Melachot.”

It restricts the number of true ‘Avot’ to 2, via the midrash on “melachto” from Bereshit and Shemot.

It implies the 39 are not equal Avot, but derived, embedded, or inferred from only a few true Torah-level archetypes. This supports:

The Yerushalmi tends to treat the 39 melachot not as a formal list, but as conceptual categories, rooted in narrative, midrash, and legal inference — not codified taxonomy.

In fact, by limiting the number of true Avot Melachot, the Yerushalmi undermines the static structure of 39 as an equal set. Instead, it views the structure as a dynamic, interpretive field, with a few central roots (avot) and many situational unfoldings (toledot).

This dovetails with Bava Kamma: the “Avot Nezikin” aren’t just categories — they’re root modes of avodah or human agency. Likewise, in the Yerushalmi, only a few actions count as true melachah, and the rest are contextual expressions.

The Yerushalmi in Shabbat 7:2 limits the Avot Melachot to two. It does not endorse a rigid 39-fold taxonomy like the Bavli. This reinforces the chiddush: the Yerushalmi treats melachah as a dynamic, narrative-legal concept — not a fixed codebook. It mirrors the chiddush of tam vs mu’ad in Bava Kamma: Avot reflect root intentionality, while Toledot reflect unfolding consequences. In conclusion:

ויבא הביתה לעשות מלאכתו — מנהון.

ויכל אלהים ביום השביעי מלאכתו אשר עשה — מנהון

Meaning: only two verses refer to “melachah” in a way that might count as foundational Avot. From these, the Yerushalmi limits the count of true Avot Melachot to two, and treats the rest midrashically or derivatively. Where the Bavli (Shabbat 49b) treats the 39 Avot as a formal halakhic taxonomy (with toledot extending from them), the Yerushalmi refuses this formal structure. It questions the textual foundation of “39 Avot Melachot.” It restricts the number of true ‘Avot’ to 2, via the midrash on “melachto” from Bereshit and Shemot. It implies the 39 are not equal Avot, but derived, embedded, or inferred from only a few true Torah-level archetypes.

The Yerushalmi tends to treat the 39 melachot not as a formal list, but as conceptual categories, rooted in narrative, midrash, and legal inference — not codified taxonomy. In fact, by limiting the number of true Avot Melachot, the Yerushalmi undermines the static structure of 39 as an equal set. Instead, it views the structure as a dynamic, interpretive field, with a few central roots (avot) and many situational unfoldings (toledot). This dovetails with the reading of Bava Kamma: the “Avot Nezikin” aren’t just categories — they’re root modes of avodah or human agency. Likewise, in the Yerushalmi, only a few actions count as true melachah, and the rest are contextual expressions.

The Yerushalmi in Shabbat 7:2 limits the Avot Melachot to two. It does not endorse a rigid 39-fold taxonomy like the Bavli. The Yerushalmi treats melachah as a dynamic, narrative-legal concept — not a fixed codebook. Tam vs mu’ad in Bava Kamma: Avot reflect root intentionality, while Toledot reflect unfolding consequences.

מדקתני אבות מכלל דאיכא תולדות תולדותיהן כיוצא בהן או פירוש כיון דקיי”ל דנזק שלם ממונא הוא וחצי נזק קנסא הוא ומועד שחזיק משלם נזק שלם מן העליה ותם משלם חצי נזק מגופו בעינן למידע הני תולדות דהני אבות אי כיוצא בהן נינהו דכל מועד מינייהו תולדה חצי נזק מגופו או דלמא תולדותיהן לאו כיוצא בהן ואסיקנא דכולהו תולדותיהן כיצא בהן בר מתולדה דרגל ומאי ניהו חצי נזק צרורות דהלכתא גמירי לה דלא משלם אלא חצי נזק ואמי קרו לה תולדות דרגל דמשלם מן העליה ופוטרה ברה”ר ומאי עלייה מעולה שבנכסיו כדתנן הניזקין שמין להן בעדית ובעל חוב בבינונית וכתובת אשה בזיבורית

Now we see from the Rif that he immediately distinguishes the difference between tam from muad damagers. Consequently the opening line of the Mishna too must distinguish between tam and muad damagers. The 4 Avot damagers brought by the Mishna all come in the catagory of tam damagers. The reader of the Mishna required to make the required דיוק logical inference and apply the language for tam damagers equally to 4 Avot types of muad damagers! This crucial דיוק the Reshonim failed to learn. This failure triggered a ירידות הדורות for all downstream later Talmudic scholars – because they too failed to make this critical דיוק of logic.

Shen (eating) and Regel (walking/trampling) — the animal is considered mu’ad from the outset. No such thing as tam eating or tam walking. Because eating and walking are natural behaviors, not aggressive or unusual. So when the animal damages through those means, the Torah automatically classifies it as mu’ad — it’s expected. But goring is not natural behavior. The Torah gives the owner the benefit of the doubt — the animal is considered a tam until it shows repeated aggression. Tzrorot (pebbles kicked by walking) pays half by halacha leMoshe miSinai.

מאי מבעה? רב אמר מבעה זה אדם דכתיב (ישעיהו כא:יד) אם תבעיון בעיו, ושמואל אמר מבעה זה השן מטמרוהי (עובדיה א:ו) איך נחפשו עשו נבעו מצפוניו, מאי משמע, כדמתרגם רב יוסף איכדין איתבליש עשו איתגליין מטמרוהי. תני רבי אושעיה שלשה עשר אבות נזיקין ,שומר חנם והשואל והשוכר נזק וצער וריפוי ושבת ובושת וארבעה דתנן הרי שלשה עשר. תני רבי חייא עשרים וארבעה אתות נזיקין, תשלומי כפל ותשלמי ארבעה וחמשה נגב וגזלן ועדים זוממין והאונס והמפתה והמוציא שם רע והמטמא והמדמע והמנסך והנך שלשה עשר, הרי עשרים וארבעה
We learn from the B’HaG that Rabbi Oshaya and Rabbi Chiyya expand the list of damage categories from the four in the Mishnah to 13 and 24, respectively.

The Seder night is filled with this same middah shel ribui — the rabbinic instinct to take a core Torah statement and expand its meaning in light of broader oath brit themes. Hence by simply going up-stream we learn an aliya ha’dorot rather than an error that plagues the later generations unto this day!

לא שנא אב חטאת ולא שנא תולדה חטאת לא שנא אב סקילה ולא שנא תולדה סקילה ומאי איכא בין אב לתולדה נפקא מינה דאילו עביד שתי אבות בהדי הדדי אי נמי שתי תולדות בהדי הדי מחייב אכל חדא וחדא ואילו עביד אב ותולדה דידיה לא מחייב אלא חדא ולרבי אליעזר דמחייב אתולדה במקום אב אמאי קרי ליה אב ואמאי קרי לה תולדה הך דהוה במשכן חשיבא קרי ליה אב הך דלא הוי במשכן חשיבא קרי לה תולדה גבי טומאות תנן אבות הטומאות השרץ והשכבת זרע וטמא מת תולדותיהן לאו כיצא בהן דאילו אב מטמא אדם וכלים ואילו תולדות אוכלין
ומשקין מטמא אדם וכלים לא מטמא ……… דתנן: טומנין סשלחין ומטלטלין אותן בגיזי צמר ואין מטלטלין אותן כיצד הוא עושה נוטל את הכסוי והן נופלות

Shall return to the previous precedent earlier first introduced in the fourth chapter of shabbat. But this time, intend to make a triangulation which connects the opening and closing thesis statement with its hypotenuse third leg. Then shall show how sugya integrity equally applies unto the Yerushalmi. My theory contends that the סבוראים scholars edited both the Bavli and the Yerushalmi. Very little scholarship ever made upon the scholarship made by the סבוראים scholars. Most rabbinic authorities limit the influence of this critical time period to editing only the Bavli, based on the fact that they generally qualify as Babylonian scholars.

Just as Bar Kochba failed to unify Judean and Alexandrian Jewish power to fight Rome, the Babylonian scholars (Savoraim/Geonim) later failed to preserve or reintegrate the wisdom and redactional traditions of the Judean Talmud (Yerushalmi)? This conclusion reflects a long arc of Jewish fragmentation — military, political, and intellectual — rooted in regional parochialism and short-sighted leadership. Such a repugnant idea simply causes my soul to retch.

To reduce the rich, living tradition of Eretz Yisrael’s Torah — the Yerushalmi, the Land-based halakhic voice, the embodied oath alliance to do mitzvot לשמה, which forever binds our people as the chosen Cohen people — to a marginal footnote, while canonizing the Bavli as if it stood alone, represents a kind of exile. An exile of method, of memory, and of oath brit vision. It’s not just “a repugnant idea” — it’s a betrayal of the subservient relationship between the Gemara to the Mishna. Yes even my hero, Rabbeinu Tam fell into this cursed way of thinking when he failed to read the language of the Mishna from a different ‘perspective-viewpoint’ like his precedent based off the dof research did with the sugyot of the Gemara. But that this ירידות הדורות equally infected the minds of the Savoraim Era of scholarship – absolutely not. The curse of g’lut had yet to impact our leaders that they had already forgotten the wisdom of doing mitzvot לשמה.

This chiddush strives to forge a powerful ideological and interpretive vision — one that challenges the foundations of how rabbinic history and Talmudic authority have been narrated for over a millennium. The strength of this sh’itta, it expresses its own form of historical revisionism, but restoring the remembered oath brit alliance, originally sworn by the Avot themselves, which creates through Av time oriented commandments the chosen Cohen people in all generations יש מאין. It re-integrates the Mishnah, Bavli, and Yerushalmi as co-dependent axes of one oath-bound system.

An idea that my parents implanted into my brain: “Its easier to be a critic than a play-write”. This learning throws down the gauntlet of revolt against the statute law assimilated Yad, Tur, and Shulkan Aruch which casts the Jewish people off the chosen path of pursuing Av tohor time oriented commandments as the essence of our brit alliance לשמה. Torah holds depth, משנה תורה simply not read comparable to how the Xtians and Muslims read their bible and koran abominations of Av tuma avoda zarah. To reduce Torah to statute desecrates the architecture of brit, betrays the Gemara’s subservience to the Mishnah, and exiles the national soul from its sacred rhythm in time._________________________________________________________

הדור יתבי ומקמיבעיא להו הא דתנן אבות מלאכות ארבעים חסר אחת כנגד מי? ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… לא ………………………………………………….ואתם לא תכניסו מרה”ר לרה”י הם הורידו את הקרשים מעגלה לקרקע ואתם לא תוציאו מרה”י לרה”ר הם הוציאו מעגלה לעגלה ואתם לא תוציאו מרה”י לרה”י מרה”י לרשות היחיד מטי קא עביד אביי ורבא דאמרי תרווייהו ואיתימא רב אדא בר אהבה מרשות היחיד לרה”י דרך רשות הרבים ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………. דאמר לעשות צרכיו נכנס או דילמא ויבא הביתה לעשות מלאכתו ממנינא הוא והאי והמלאכה היתה דים הכי קאמר
דשלים ליה עבידתא תיקו

The Mishna of this mesechta shabbat addresses moving moist vegetables, that its permissible to move them with tufts of wool. The Mishnah models a mode of discernment: מנין, כיצד — asking how and why certain acts qualify as melacha versus non-melacha (mere handling, movement, utility, convenience). This distinction is not procedural, but cognitive-intentional, grounded in purpose, skill, and constructive transformation.

So the language of ומנין… כיצד… is not just rhetorical — it is methodological. It marks a halakhic contrast between skilled avodah and unskilled common labor, like sweeping the floor after a shabbos meal. The contrast between mesechta shabbat’s focus upon מלאכה as opposed and contrasted by baba kama’s focus upon עבודה, qualifies as a classic compare and contrast style of the study of literature throughout the Ages as practiced by all cultures and societies which instruct Higher Education to the younger generations.

Using Mishkan transport examples (קרשים, עגלה, רשויות) to reverse-engineer the skill level and intention involved in transferring items — constructive, purposeful, and skilled movement versus passive or utilitarian shlepping.

Tilting a Jar qualifies as an act of עבודה, not a forbidden מלאכה. Such common labor does not compare to the skill required to construct the Mishkan. Yosef, not freed from his prison cell simply because he could sweep the floor as a common slave. Josef kept his master’s accounts and other skilled labor. The sugya reconstructs through its three-legged structure: not just halakhic outcomes, but the architecture of skilled avodah.

The repeated “מנין… כיצד…” language signals an invitation not to memorize rulings, but to penetrate the legal logic beneath the surface: intention, transformation, and Mishkan precedent. ומנין — From where do we know? → This demands source awareness, invoking precedent (מלאכת המשכן) to justify legal structures. כיצד — How is this so? → This demands operational clarity, not in procedural terms but qualitative ones: skill, purpose, transformation.

Thus, even a minor act — like moving moist vegetables with tufts of wool — becomes a site of deep Torah understanding which discerns between like from like. Not every act of moving constitutes melachah. What matters is skilled construction, not mere movement. Sweeping the floor after a Shabbat meal is avodah — common, unskilled maintenance, not the creative labor of Mishkan-building.

The movement of beams (קרשים) from wagon to ground versus from domain to domain shows the role of intentional skill — not just what moves, but how and why. Does Yosef entering to do his melachto count as proof concerning the 39 labors? Is the action constructive and purposeful, or merely routine movement?

The final teiku – conclusive. The style of the difficulty vs response of the Gemara, this models a Torts courts’ Prosecutor vs Defense attorneys. The teiku implies that the precedents brought by the one did not convince the other and visa versa. Therefore the 3rd judge of the court had to make a final ruling. The language teiku means that the precedents brought by the opposing justices of the court – that both sets of precedents which they brought to argue the case both pro and con had equal merit!

Hence the concept of how the Yerushalmi understands the term איסור מלאכה merits deep respect – based upon the teiku as codified within the Bavli. The recurring Mishnah formula “ומנין… כיצד…” should not be read as mere rhetorical flourish. Rather, it functions as a methodological signal, inviting the learner to uncover the legal architecture beneath each halakhic assertion.

ומנין — From where do we know? This demands source consciousness, particularly invoking Mishkan precedent to validate categories of melachah. כיצד — How is this so? This demands not rote procedural description, but qualitative analysis: Is the act constructive? Purposeful? Skilled? The emphasis is on intention and transformation, not mere utility. Thus, even seemingly minor rulings — such as moving moist vegetables with tufts of wool — become points of legal discernment. They are opportunities to distinguish melachah from avodah.

The sugya in Shabbat uses Mishkan transport scenarios to dissect the boundaries of melachah. Moving beams (קרשים) from wagon to ground, or from one domain to another, is not about raw movement. It is about intentionality and skill: is this an act of creative, constructive labor, like that which built the Mishkan?

The question raised in the Gemara about Yosef “entering to do his melachto” adds a narrative precedent. Is Yosef’s labor melachah or avodah? Was his action one of wisdom on par with interpreting dreams or simple slave labor? This biblical echo tests the cognitive weight of melachah.

Teiku = תשבי יתרץ קושיות ובעיות. The logic is not inconclusive; it’s balanced. Each set of precedents — pro and con — carries equal legal and interpretive weight. The disagreement is not over evidence, but over legal interpretation and qualitative frameworks. Statute law rulings as represented in the assimilated codes which defiled Jewry in the Middle Ages cannot resolve a Teiku. Only a court which weights the pro/con precedents itself can definitively rule on the teiku case.

This structural insight carries powerful consequences for how we view the Yerushalmi. If the Bavli’s use of teiku models judicial equilibrium — not indecision — then the Yerushalmi’s approach to איסור מלאכה must be read with equal gravitas. The Yerushalmi’s framing is not “underdeveloped” or “incomplete” — as later scholars (especially post-Geonic) have unfairly claimed. Rather, its halakhic method may differ, but its interpretive weight — especially in distinguishing melachah from avodah — is no less sophisticated.

Treating מנין…כיצד… as a literary-methodological engine. Reading movement scenarios (קרשים, רשויות) not literally, but as tests of skilled intentionality. Interpreting teiku as judicial respect for the need of a third justice hearing the case before the court, and not indecision which must wait for Eliyahu the prophet. The future of Torah learning depends on restoring halakhic unity and method across Bavli and Yerushalmi.

פרק רביעי שבת הלכה ב מתני’ טומנין בשלחין ומטללטין אותן בניזי צמר ואין מטלטלין אותן כיצד עושה נוטל את הכיסוי ונוטל שמא יטול ואינו יכול להחזיר. וחכמים אורמים נוטל ומחזיר.

Consider the logical syllogism: בניזי צמר ואין מטלטלין אותן: רבי יודה ור’ יוחנן הדא דתימר בנתונין באפותיקי. אבל בנתונין אצל בעל הבית לא בדא. רבי ירמיה בשם רב פורשין מחצלת על גבי שייפות של לבינים בשבת. אמר ר”ש ב”ר אני לא שמעתי מאבא אחותי אמרה לי משמו ביצה שנולדה בי”ט סומכין לה כלי בשביל שלא תתגלגל אבל אין כופין עליה את הכלי ושמואל אמר כופין עליה כלי ………………………………………………………………………………………. דמר ר’ חנינא עולין היינו עם לרבי לחמת נדר והיה אומר לנו בחרו לכם חלקו אבנים ואתם מורין לטלטלן למחר ……………………………………………………………….. א”ל אם חשבתם עליהן מאתמול מותר לטלטלן א”ל אם חשבתם עליהן מאתמול מותר לטלטלן How does this syllogism clarify מלאכה from עבודה that’s distinctly different from the way that the Bavli learns this same Mishna?

The Yerushalmi’s logical progression in this sugya — centered around גיזי צמר (tufts of wool) and related טומנין scenarios — develops a legal logic that implicitly distinguishes מלאכה from עבודה in a way fundamentally different from the Bavli’s approach.

How does this syllogism clarify מלאכה from עבודה that’s distinctly different from the way that the Bavli learns this same Mishna?

The Yerushalmi’s logical progression in this sugya — centered around גיזי צמר (tufts of wool) and related טומנין scenarios — develops a legal logic that implicitly distinguishes מלאכה from עבודה in a way fundamentally different from the Bavli’s approach.
טומנין בשלחין ומטלטלין אותן בגיזי צמר ואין מטלטלין אותן כיצד עושה נוטל את הכיסוי והן נופלות

You may insulate (food) with moist produce, and you may move it with tufts of wool (gizzei tzemar), but you may not move the wool itself. Yerushalmi: Rabbi Yehuda and Rabbi Yochanan qualify this: They say this applies only when the tufts of wool are set aside for commercial storage (נתונין באפותיקי). But if they’re set aside by the homeowner for insulation use, then the prohibition does not apply.

R. Yirmiyah quoting Rav:
פורשין מחצלת על גבי שייפות של לבינים בשבת
→ You may spread a mat over piles of bricks on Shabbat.

This further shows that covering or handling utilitarian items is not necessarily melachah, so long as it’s done without construction intent — that is, unskilled avodah, not constructive melachah. The classic example of setting stones aside to clean oneself after having a bowel movement on shabbat.

Logical Inference: When a material is set aside for non-melachic, household use, then its status does not render its movement a melachah — this is עבודה, not מלאכה. R. Yirmiyah quoting Rav:

פורשין מחצלת על גבי שייפות של לבינים בשבת

→ You may spread a mat over piles of bricks on Shabbat. R. Shimon b. Rabbi (quoting his sister):

ביצה שנולדה ביום טוב סומכין לה כלי… אין כופין עליה

→ You may support it with a vessel, but you may not overturn one over it.

Shmuel disagrees: You may cover it. Again, the argument is about purposeful intent: are you preventing a mess or protecting something of value? Neither is constructive melachah — this is routine maintenance, i.e., avodah.

This further shows that covering or handling utilitarian items is not necessarily melachah, so long as it’s done without construction intent — that is, unskilled avodah, not constructive melachah.

R. Chanina’s story with R. Yehudah HaNasi:

בחרו לכם חלקו אבנים ואתם מורין לטלטלן למחר

→ “Designate your stones today so you can move them tomorrow.”

Punchline: If you think about (set aside) the stones beforehand, they are not muktzeh and may be moved. Again, intention (preparation, designation) is what distinguishes the act. Movement alone is not melachah; constructive, skilled transformation is required.

The Yerushalmi’s reasoning builds a syllogism:

A: An object prepared for non-skilled use does not become forbidden to move.

B: Movement is not melachah unless it’s for constructive, skilled, purpose-driven labor.

C: Therefore: Mere movement, covering, handling — even if intentional — qualifies as avodah, not melachah. Thus, melachah requires intention plus skilled transformation, much like in the building of the Mishkan.

In all my years sitting in Yeshiva, never once did any Rabbi address the distinction between מלאכה from עבודה. Therefore to my way of thinking, have these rabbis ever observed the mitzva of shabbat one single day of their lives?

Understanding, based upon the precedent of Baba Kama, that shabbat observance does not limit itself to not doing מלאכה one day of the week but rather not doing איסור עבודה all the days of Chol/shabbat! The chiddush of learning the Bavli in conjunction with the Yerushalmi, ignites an indictment of a system that divorced legal obedience from legal consciousness.